Independent senator says Australia should speak up on behalf of Malaysia’s opposition leader
Australia is being challenged to speak up on behalf of Malaysia’s opposition leader as he faces “a travesty of justice” and the prospect of prison this month.
Anwar Ibrahim is appealing against a highly controversial sodomy conviction, and one of his lawyers has been charged with sedition for saying the scandal is politically motivated.
Anwar, too, is under further investigation, accused of making seditious comments in a political speech.
His 28 October appeal against the sodomy conviction may spark political tensions in Malaysia.
On Friday he met the independent senator Nick Xenophon in Jakarta. Xenophon was detained and deported when he tried to visit Anwar in Kuala Lumpur last year.
Xenophon said if Australia was any kind of friend to Malaysia, it would speak up.
“This is a travesty of justice,” he told reporters in Jakarta.
“It feels like Anwar has more charges against him than Muhammad Ali has had punches. It is a very serious issue.”
Anwar agreed Malaysian authorities, “on direction from the government”, were determined to put him behind bars.”
In his 2011 speech, he says, he said the words “fight the evil government”. That was now being considered sedition.
“I convey my appreciation to senator Nick Xenophon and my friends here who conveyed their concern for me,” he said.
Xenophon said he also remained concerned about the voter irregularities he had wanted to examine last year when he was detained.
“I think unofficially it’s expected that the real vote was much greater for the Malaysian opposition,” he said.
“So, this is the man who should be the prime minister of Malaysia today.”
Saya dan keluarga dikejutkan dengan berita pemergian sahabat lama Ustaz Ramli Ibrahim ke rahmatuLlah pagi tadi.
Allahyarham sahabat seperjuangan saya sekian lamanya. Merupakan mantan Presiden PKPIM, kemudiannya aktif dalam ABIM tatkala saya ditahan di bawah akta zalim ISA era 70-an. Allahyarham dulunya berkhidmat dengan Institut Teknologi MARA, pada era reformasi 1998 beliau membantu KEADILAN selaku Bendahari Agung yang pertama dan berjaya membawa suara rakyat melalui KEADILAN ke Dewan Rakyat melalui pasukan 5 ahli parlimen pertama KEADILAN apabila memenangi kerusi Parlimen Kota Bharu.
Saya dan Azizah berusaha bergegas ke Sungai Buloh untuk memberikan penghormatan akhir pada Allahyarham tetapi sayang sekali jenazah telah berlepas ke Kelantan untuk disemadikan.
KEADILAN seluruhnya merakamkan ucapan takziah buat keluarga Allahyarham atas kembalinya Allahyarham ke pangkuan Ilahi. Moga Allah SWT merahmati segala usaha bakti Allahyarham dalam perjuangan serta dakwah Allahyarham selama menumpahkan khidmat bakti bersama PKPIM, ABIM dan KEADILAN. Moga roh Allahyarham dicucuri rahmat Sang Pencipta.
“Dan bagi tiap-tiap umat, Kami syariatkan ibadat menyembelih korban (atau lain-lainnya) supaya mereka menyebut nama Allah sebagai bersyukur akan pengurniaanNya kepada mereka; binatang-binatang ternak yang disembelih itu. Kerana Tuhan kamu semua ialah Tuhan Yang Maha Esa, maka hendaklah kamu tunduk taat kepadaNya; dan sampaikanlah berita gembira (wahai Muhammad) kepada orang-orang yang tunduk taat” – Surah Al-Hajj, Ayat 34
Alhamdulillah, setinggi kesyukuran dirafak ke hadrat Ilahi kerana dengan limpah inayahNya maka diizinkan olehNya jua untuk kita kembali meraikan hari besar dalam Islam yakni sambutan Eiduladha bagi tahun 1435 Hijrah.
Pastinya sambutan Eiduladha saban tahun kita lalui dengan penuh rasa keinsafan: dengan sirah Ibrahim dan Ismail A.S yang memperihal kesiapsiagaan seorang bapa dan anak yang dengan penuh tawadhuk dan ikhlas melaksanakan perintah Allah SWT, meski nyawa dan darah galang gantinya.
Inilah falsafah ulung di sebalik ibadah korban: keikhlasan dan kesyukuran ke atas nikmat Ilahi yang kemudiannya dikembalikan dengan rasa tawadhuk demi mencapai redhaNya. Ini selaras dengan sabda Rasulullah SAW yang antara lain mafhumnya:
“Wahai manusia, sembelihlah korban dengan mengharapkan pahala daripada Allah dengan darahnya, bahawa sesungguhnya darah korban itu jika ia tumpah ke bumi maka ia akan mengambil tempat yang mulia di sisi Allah Azza Wajalla.”
Falsafah yang sama juga tersirat di sebalik ibadah haji, yang menjadi pelengkap kepada Rukun Islam sebagai agama yang suci. Penyucian diri melalui proses dan fasa-fasa ibadah haji nyata sekali merupakan satu bentuk pemurnian akal dan jiwa melalui pemupukan elemen kebersamaan dan persaudaraan sesama Muslim. Realitinya, semua insan adalah sama di sisi Tuhan, tinggal lagi baik buruk akhlaknya dan juga tinggi rendah imannya yang menjadi sandaran.
Sambutan Eiduladha ini pastinya mendorong kita memaknai prinsip agung yang digagas oleh Islam: keadilan insani. Prinsip keadilan ini diulang sebanyak 56 kali di dalam Al-Quran, justeru kewajaran kita untuk menjamin keadilan, merai kepelbagaian dan menghormati perbezaan adalah sesuatu yang tidak boleh dikesampingkan. Ini telah Allah SWT tegaskan lewat Surah Al-Maidah Ayat 8:
“Wahai orang beriman! Hendaklah kamu semua sentiasa menjadi orang yang menegakkan keadilan kerana Allah, lagi menerangkan kebenaran dan jangan sekali-kali kebencian kamu terhadap sesuatu kaum itu mendorong kamu kepada tidak melakukan keadilan. Hendaklah kamu berlaku adil (kepada sesiapa juga) kerana sikap adil itu lebih hampir kepada takwa. Dan bertakwa kepada Allah, sesungguhnya Allah Maha Mengetahui dengan mendalam akan apa yang kamu lakukan.”
Inilah keindahan Islam yang diwariskan Rasulullah SAW kepada umat baginda. Kendatipun begitu dalam pada kita meraikan hari besar ini, kita terus menerus dihambat dengan agenda yang sedang menghenyak imej Islam di mata dunia, mengambil contoh isu ISIS yang hangat diperkatakan mutakhir ini. Matlamat sedemikian jelas bercanggah dengan prinsip keadilan Islam malah mencemar imej Islam yang berselindung di sebalik agenda perjuangan Islam.
Rentetan kegagalan memahami Islam secara holistik, maka wujudlah persepsi yang salah sedemikian rupa, lantas mengesani kesyumulan Islam di mata khalayak. Inilah yang ditekankan oleh Almarhum Hasan al-Hudaybi, “Tegakkanlah Islam di dalam dirimu, nescaya ia tertegak di watanmu”.
Tuntasnya, kembalilah kita kepada fitrah dengan memaknai Islam dan gagasan manusiawi yang terkandung dalam ajarannya. Moga Eiduladha yang akan diraikan mampu mencetus keinsafan kepada kita dalam menjaga ukhuwah sesama insan disamping kita memperkemas habluminallah.
Mewakili kepimpinan dan akar umbi KEADILAN seluruhnya, saya merakamkan ucapan Salam Eiduladha buat seluruh umat Islam di Malaysia. Moga ibadah korban yang kita sempurnakan mendapat tempat di sisi Ilahi, demikian juga buat jemaah haji Malaysia didoa agar selamat menunaikan ibadah haji dan selamat kembali ke tanah air dengan haji yang mabrur moganya, inshaaAllah.
ALL GERMAN universities will be free of charge when term starts next week after fees were abandoned in Lower Saxony, the last of seven states to charge.
“Tuition fees are socially unjust,” said Dorothee Stapelfeldt, senator for science in Hamburg, which scrapped charges in 2012.
“They particularly discourage young people who do not have a traditional academic family background from taking up studies. It is a core task of politics to ensure that young women and men can study with a high quality standard free of charge in Germany.”
The experiment with tuition fees, which began in 2006, was overturned by democratic pressure against the conservative-led state governments, all in the west of Germany, which decided to charge euros 1,000 ($A1436) a year.
They were able to do so after a constitutional court ruling that moderate fees combined with loans did not contradict the country’s commitment to universal higher education.
Within eight years, all the states have changed their minds, with Lower Saxony the last to give way after the defeat of its Christian Democrat rulers last year. It means that this autumn’s student intake will enjoy free university courses.
“We got rid of tuition fees because we do not want higher education which depends on the wealth of the parents,” said Gabriele Heinen-Kljajic of the Green party, the minister for science and culture in Lower Saxony.
Under Germany’s federal system, state governments run education policy.
Sara and Leila both survived the mass capture of Yazidi women and children in Iraq last month. These are their stories.
15-year-old Sara had considered suicide many times during her month-long ordeal. The old man she had been given to as a “gift” beat her frequently. He taunted her with videos of Islamic State militants beheading her neighbors. On two occasions she said he drew blood from her arm with a large syringe, making her feel weak and sickly.
“They didn’t feed us much. I used to pass out a lot, but I would make trouble for him as much as possible and fight when I could,” Sara said, sitting under a tent in a makeshift camp for the displaced outside Duhok. “Many times I thought of suicide but I kept thinking of my family and my brother. I lived only for them.”
Sara is Yazidi, a member of a minority religious group from northern Iraq persecuted for centuries for its ancient beliefs. She still bears horrific scars across the left side of her body from a double truck bombing that struck her neighborhood in 2007 — when she was just 8 years old — killing almost 800 people and injuring more than 1,500.
To the Islamic State (IS) the Yazidis are infidels. When the terror group seized control of dozens of Yazidi villages in the region of Sinjar last month, they executed men and kidnapped thousands of women and children. Those assaults on Yazidis and other minority groups — and in particular, the IS threat against tens of thousands of Yazidis trapped in the Sinjar Mountains — were a major reason US President Barack Obama cited for authorizing airstrikes against IS, also known as ISIS or ISIL, in Iraq. The US has since expanded those strikes to Syria.
The Yazidi Fraternal Organization, formally based in Sinjar but now working from the Kurdish capital Erbil, has registered the names of more than 12,000 missing Yazidis — 5,000 women and 7,000 men — believed to have been killed or captured during a three-day period beginning Aug. 3.
At least 47 of the women have since escaped.
They tell tales of rape, forced marriage and enslavement. Many, like Sara, say they were given to IS fighters as wives or sold as slaves for prices ranging from $100 to $1,000. Late last month, the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reported 300 cases of Yazidi women transported to Syria by IS, some of whom were then sold in Aleppo in a human trade market.
The escaped women’s stories offer details about the Islamic State’s systematic violence against minority communities in Iraq, and insight into the group’s methods for imposing an extreme ideology and recruiting fighters to its cause.
A Yazidi mother and child sit in the farm storehouse in Sulimaniyah that has become their home since IS overran their village in Sinjar. (Tracey Shelton/GlobalPost)
The day IS took Sinjar
Sara’s ordeal began on Aug. 3 in the Sinjar village of Tal Azir, when IS launched its attack. Without a vehicle, she and her mother, her brother and his pregnant wife simply ran toward the nearby mountains. After two hours on foot, they reached a farmhouse where many of their neighbors and relatives had taken shelter on the edge of the mountain range.
Soon, IS had them surrounded.
“There were about 20 cars. They all had heavy weapons,” said Sara. “They separated the men from the women. Some of the men tried to run. They shot them. They locked my mother in a room with some of the older women.”
Sara said the younger Yazidi women were then loaded onto the backs of seven pickup trucks, some of the vehicles taken from villagers and others belonging to IS. She stuck close to her pregnant sister-in-law.
“I don’t know how many of us there were but they were pushing us into the trucks, as many as they could hold in each one,” she said. “The children they didn’t care about. Some women took their children. Others got left behind.”
As the trucks full of young women and children sped away, Sara could hear gunfire.
“We thought maybe our men were fighting them to save us,” she said.
Back at the farmhouse Sara’s mother Narin was also listening to the sound of gunfire, locked in a room with several other women. As bullets sprayed in a neighboring room, she blocked her ears and crouched down. Then everything went quiet.
“There were six of us ladies left,” Narin said. After waiting for a short time and hearing nothing, the women tried the door. It opened.
There were dozens of dead men, Narin said.
“When we left the room we saw the bodies. All of them. They killed my son!”
The fighters had abandoned the farmhouse. The other women urged Narin to run with them to the mountains before IS returned.
“I could barely even hear them. I was so overcome with grief,” she said. “I just sat by my son’s body, rocking and crying and hitting myself.”
Unable to pull Narin away, the other women left.
Eventually she made her way to the mountains alone. She was reunited there with her husband, who had been away from their village on business when IS attacked.
Yazidi women wash clothing at a temple in Lalish, Iraq after being displaced by Islamic State forces that overran their village in Sinjar. Around 2,000 people took shelter at the temple. (Tracey Shelton/GlobalPost)
As her mother related the story from inside a hot, dusty tent in the desert IDP camp, Sara broke down in tears. Thoughts of a reunion with her only sibling had kept her strong throughout her ordeal. He was a 19-year-old newlywed; he and his elated wife were anticipating the arrival of their first child. Sara had only recently learned of his death.
Khalif Kouli, a Yazidi militia fighter based in the Sinjar Mountains, said in an interview in Duhok that his group had made it to the farmhouse three days after the massacre and found the bodies of seven executed men. Narin insisted she had seen dozens of dead right after the killings on Aug. 3.
Parwen Aziz of the Kurdistan National Congress has heard dozens of similar stories of capture and mass execution from members of the Yazidi community, which has sought refuge in the Kurdish-controlled region of Iraq. Aid workers assisting the Yazidis have heard them, too. Aziz has been lobbying the Kurdish government and aid groups to provide more support for escaped IS prisoners like Sara, who started turning up here about six weeks ago.
Aziz said there were early fears that Yazidi women who returned from captivity may be rejected or even killed by their own families, due to local concepts of honor. However, she hasn’t heard of any women with surviving family members who weren’t welcomed back.
Her concern has now turned to the risk of suicide among survivors due to trauma, shame or hopelessness.
“Psychological support programs are not accepted here so we are trying to start income programs that will help [women] psychologically at the same time,” she said. “Some of these women do not want to talk at all. They need time. Some of them speak of frequent rape, up to six times a day. Others were not tortured or raped at all. Their situations vary often according to age or the area where they were held.”
Sara and her parents now live at the Khanke IDP camp near Duhok, Iraq. (Tracey Shelton/GlobalPost)
‘We drove past so many bodies’
For 19-year-old Leila, the horror began as she tried to flee on foot from her village in Sinjar with her husband and his family. When IS vehicles caught up to them, militants forced the men to lie face down on the ground. Then they shot them, including boys as young as 14. Leila watched as her husband was executed.
The women were bundled into the backs of pickup trucks.
Leila clung to one-year-old Murad, her only child, as the women were driven to the town of Sebai. In separate interviews, Sara and Leila, who do not know each other, gave similar accounts of what they saw on the drive through this part of Sinjar.
“We drove past so many bodies. Even the bodies of children,” Leila said. She sits now in the home of a relative in Duhok, holding baby Murad tightly in her arms.
Leila was eventually taken to Mosul, she said, and held in a hall with more than a thousand other women. They compared stories: Most often their men had been lined up and shot. Others had been taken away in trucks.
“[IS] told us we must convert to Islam,” she said. “We refused and they left us alone for 10 days.” Food continued to arrive, but the men stopped bringing milk for her baby.
Then things changed.
“They started to take the women away. Sometimes they let them bring their babies along, but other times they refused.”
Leila said some women would disappear for several days, then return to the hall. Others never came back. Some of the men coming to choose women, mostly local Iraqis, looked as old as 70, Leila said.
Sara and her pregnant sister-in-law were also taken to Mosul.
“There was a big hall with three floors and each floor had 5 or 6 rooms,” Sara said. “They told us if we didn’t convert to Islam they would kill all the men in our families, so we said to ourselves, ‘It’s just words. In our hearts we are still Yazidi.’ So I did it to save my brother.”
The IS captors passed out Korans to the women. Since many were illiterate, the men would read to them from the books.
“They were always trying to tell us about religion,” Sara said. “In those few days they didn’t treat us so badly, but they were scary. They had dirty, hairy faces and they smelled bad.”
Later they gave the women niqabs to wear (most Yazidi women wear conservative Western-style clothing, and sometimes hijabs) before moving them to a new hall.
“A sheikh came and took away about 20 or 30 of the most beautiful girls,” Sara said, shielding her face from a gust of sand that blew through her family’s flimsy tent. “Then a man said the married women would be sent to their husbands [if the husband had converted to Islam] to make a new Muslim family. They read out names and when a woman heard the name of her husband they came forward and were taken away. I stood with my sister-in-law waiting for my brother’s name. But they never read it. We were so sad that night. We thought maybe he didn’t convert yet or he was in another city.”
Sara was then split from her sister-in-law and sent to another room with single women and girls her age. Men would come daily and choose two or three women. She said some paid the captors money. Others said the women were their “gifts.” The women didn’t return.
“We would try to make ourselves look ugly. Some women would cry or scream or fight, but it made no difference. They were always taken anyway,” Sara said. “One girl hung herself. Another tried, but the IS guards stopped her and beat her very badly. No one else tried after that.”
Sara made friends with 14-year-old Banaz. They vowed to stay together, no matter what. The day her friend was chosen, Sara refused to let her go, telling the man, “You take us both or you leave her here.”
He took them both.
They were driven to Fallujah, where they were passed to two local men she described as “an old man and a fat man” who lived together in a mansion she says they took from a local family.
Sara described beatings, degrading treatment and having so little food the two girls were always frail and sick. The men also made them watch videos of Yazidi men being beheaded.
“In some [videos] they put the heads into cooking pots,” she recalled, cringing at the memory. “Sometimes they would stand on them. There were so many heads. And they would ask us, ‘Do you know this one?’ and laugh.” Sara described the men holding her as members of IS from Fallujah — possibly former Sunni extremists who had only recently joined the terror group.
A man breaks down in tears during a protest in Erbil calling for help securing the release of Yazidis captured by IS. (Tracey Shelton/GlobalPost)
Meanwhile in Mosul, Leila had been moved to a small house. Men had been coming daily to select women, until she — still with baby Murad — was the only one left.
“It was late at night. Murad was screaming. He needed water, so I banged on the door and screamed to the guards but no one came,” Leila said. “I broke the door open. Still no one came. I found water in the kitchen and then snuck through the house and found [the militants] sleeping. So I ran.”
At that point, Leila said, she wasn’t afraid of being caught. Either she and Murad would get away, or they would be killed — both better fates than being sold, she said.
Once outside, she didn’t know where to turn.
“People were staring at me in the street. There were no other women anywhere. Then an old Arab man came and asked me what I was doing. I told him I was Yazidi and he said, ‘Don’t worry. I’ll help you.’”
The man took her to his family’s home and gave her his daughter’s ID card. Then he drove her and Murad to the IS checkpoint and told the militants that his grandson needed urgent medical care in Erbil. They got through.
In less than an hour, they made it to the peshmerga checkpoint. Leila was met by relatives from Duhok she had called using the old man’s cellphone. She now lives with them there in a home overcrowded with displaced relatives and friends.
A Yazidi woman displaced by the Islamic State sits at a construction site that has become her home in Zahko, Iraq. (Tracey Shelton/GlobalPost)
In Fallujah, Sara was planning her own escape. She needed to find her brother, she told herself, so he could save his pregnant wife. When the men holding her left the house for Friday prayers, Sara saw her chance. She and Banaz broke down the door to their room and escaped into the Arab city, now an IS stronghold.
“We decided our best chance was to find a house with children. We walked for about 2 hours. People were staring at us. Two girls walking alone is not allowed. Finally we found a house with children playing outside. We just walked in the front door and said, ‘Help us.’ There were men and women sitting inside. They were scared. They said IS would kill them all if they knew we were there, but they let us stay with them anyway.”
The next day, the family gave Sara and Banaz two of their ID cards and sent them by taxi to Baghdad, where they were dropped at a hotel owned by a Yazidi man.
The first thing Sara did was borrow a phone to call her brother, anxious to hear his voice. The line was dead. Next she called her mother, who answered.
The hotel owner secured a flight to Erbil for the girls, who were reunited with what remained of their families.
Along with Leila, Sara and Banaz have now joined more than 2.8 million internally displaced Iraqis. Their homes are gone, their families decimated. The only things left for them in Iraq, they say, are nightmares and a meager existence on international aid supplies.
Sara starts to talk about suicide again.
“The thought of seeing my brother and my parents again was the only thing that kept me alive,” she said. “I do not want to live, not like this, but I have to become both a son and a daughter to my parents now. I live only for them, but I don’t know how long I can last if we remain in Iraq.”
Residents of the Wadi Fukin village received eviction notices as Israel plans on further seizing 400 hectares of land.
Wadi Fukin, ocuppied West Bank - Israel recently announced its decision to seize nearly 400 hectares of land in the occupied West Bank, a move anti-settlement activists termed the largest land grab in 30 years.
At the time, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas called on Israel to cancel the appropriation. ”This decision will lead to more instability. This will only inflame the situation after the war in Gaza,” presidential spokesman Abu Rdainah said.
In a statement published on its website, Peace Now also condemned the land confiscation and said that it would further damage the chance of achieving a lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians based on a two-state solution.
The Palestinian village of Wadi Fukin sits just west of Bethlehem along the Green Line, and is surrounded on three sides by Israeli settlements that are constantly growing.
Residents of Wadi Fukin were recently handed down eviction notices and had some of their farmlands destroyed, all with the purpose of forcing them to abandon their village. The villagers have refused to leave and now face a lengthy struggle to stay on their land.
/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media
Official letter to the villagers announce that their land is now ‘state land’. The letter was written in Hebrew and Arabic and pinned on every cardboard sign planted in the land. The farmers have 45 days to appeal the decision.
/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media
On every soon-to-be-seized land, the Israeli army has planted an official ‘state land’ yellow sign. All of the inhabitants removed and most of them destroyed the signs.
/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media
Ahmad Sokar, mayor of the village (centre), and his assistant visit Ibrahim (right), whose land is going to be seized.
/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media
Mohamed, 7, kisses his father’s land where they had planted olive trees six months ago. The Israeli army came and extracted them all. Mohamed’s father, Mustafa, received in addition a bill of 168 shekels ($46) to pay for the trees’ removal.
/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media
Mohamed and his father Mustafa sit on their land. Israel cut down all of their olive trees, but they still find reason to love and laugh.
/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media
Mohamed plays near his school – Israel refused authorisation to renovate the school. This part of the village is also often targeted with tear gas.
/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media
Ezzat el-Hroub found out through a media statement that nearly 10 acres of his land would be taken from him. In 1980, Israel took 5 acres and blew up his house because of ‘terrorist activities’. They later recognised it was ‘an error’. Hroub shows the article written by the American journalist Douglas Watson about the case.
/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media
Four girls from the village play in the playground. The site is threatened with demolition because it is part of the last land seizure announcement.
/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media
In 1948, Israel took half of now 82-year-old Hassan’s land. He now lives in a cave with his wife. ‘It is not enough to take our land, they also want our caves, they want everything. But it is our life,’ he said. Israel wants the cave so it can build new settlements on the mountain.
/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media
This Israeli settlement sits just above the Palestinian village of Wadi Fukin. The settlement discharges sewege water directly on Palestinian farmers’ land, ruining the harvest and natural springs.
Program berganti program mengisi masa senggang saya sebermula minggu lepas. Alhamdulillah hari ini saya berkesempatan hadir ke Program Syarahan ‘Memerangi Ekstremisme’ anjuran Diwan Reformasi, Demokrasi dan Upaya Masyarakat dengan kerjasama Pejabat Ketua Pembangkang Parlimen Malaysia di Unisel Shah Alam. Program ini menampilkan Prof. Dr. Abdullah Sheikh Abd Majeed Al-Zindani, Timbalan Dekan di Al-Eman University sebagai pengucap utama.
Dalam ucapan pengenalan saya menjelaskan betapa wujud prasangka dan tuduhan tersasar yang mengaitkan Islam dan Ekstremisme, pun begitu tidak menyeluruh. Aliran pemikiran di kalangan pemikir Muslim ada yang cenderung merungkai perihal kezaliman dan ekstremisme ini. Justeru dalam usaha dan upaya memerangi keganasan, maka wacana bersabit keadilan dan wassatiyyah (kesederhanaan) harus diutamakan, khususnya dalam adab al-khilaf.
Ini sejajar dengan apa yang dinasihati Sheikh Hasan Al-Hudaibi betapa ‘pendakwah bukan penghukum’. Seyogia perbincangan kitab tersohor Sheikh Taha Jabir Al-Elwani ‘Adab Al-ikhtilaf Fi al-Islam’ wajar dianjur dan dibedah sebaiknya.
Menyingkapi isu ini, seputar isu-isu keliling Pakatan Rakyat mutakhir ini, himbauan krisis di Selangor yang bermula bulan lepas menghampiri penghujung, inshaa-Allah. Diakui, persepsi rakyat ke atas Pakatan Rakyat dan KEADILAN khususnya pasti terusik, namun saya menyakini ini sebahagian daripada jalur-jalur proses pematangan politik. Meski media mengasak dengan pelbagai versi dan episod, perbezaan pandangan kalangan Pakatan Rakyat tetap diselesaikan dengan wacana santun di samping menghormati pandangan semua pihak.
Meskipun KEADILAN tegas dan percaya bahawa penyelesaian akhir harus disandar pada proviso dan peruntukan Undang-undang Tubuh Negeri Selangor yang dipegang seawal krisis tercetus sehingga ke hari ini, makanya kita menyakini bahawa Kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat di Selangor akan terus memulakan era baharu disamping diperkukuh dengan penghormatan kita pada Sistem Raja Berperlembagaan yang menaungi kita.
Berkenaan ratusan pelajar yang dilarang dan dihalang dari menduduki peperiksaan kerana gagal membayar yuran peperiksaan juga telah saya rujuk kepada Menteri Besar dan tindakan segera harus diambil. Kerajaan yang mengamalkan tatakelola yang baik harus prihatin terhadap masalah rakyat bawahan. Ini masalah penguasa yang bicara soal bangsa dan negeri dengan ‘reserve’ berbilion-bilion tapi gagal urus soal pelajaran untuk anak-anak miskin.
Dengan kepimpinan Saudara Azmin Ali selaku Menteri Besar Selangor yang baharu, Selangor akan terus dipacu menjadi ikon untuk Pakatan Rakyat terus menyakinkan rakyat seterusnya menjejak Putrajaya inshaaAllah.
Seeru ‘ala barakatillah.
Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim is the latest figure to be caught in the government’s widening sedition crackdown, in what one human rights group called “blatantly politically motivated”.
Anwar will be questioned by police on Friday, and his lawyers expect him to be charged with sedition. He is the highest-profile figure to be investigated for “seditious acts”. Lawyers say it relates to a speech he gave at a political rally three years ago, to mark the launch of a campaign relating to the 2006 murder of a Mongolian model, who was alleged to have had close links to Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak.
Fellow opposition MP Lim Kit Siang described the investigation as “the worst form of political vendetta and gross abuse of power”.
At least 25 cases are now going through the courts, according to Lawyers for Liberty, a legal NGO. Among those charged is Anwar’s own lawyer and opposition MP N Surendran.
If found guilty, all could be jailed for three years and banned from public office for five years after that.
Some have already been convicted. On September 19, student activist Adam Adli was given a 12-month sentence for remarks he made calling for the ruling coalition and its largest party, the UMNO, to be toppled.
Wan Saiful Wan Jan of the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) think-tank said he has begun to rein in what he says publicly. “It’s about making sure people remain compliant, don’t rebel too much, don’t talk too much, don’t criticise too much, and remain fearful to speak out,” he said.
‘Silencing the opposition’
N Surendran told Al Jazeera the crackdown reflects the government’s insecurity about its position in Malaysia, saying the arrests were designed to “silence the opposition and civil society”.
“In our entire history, the sedition act has never been used in this way before,” he said.
Many Malaysian news publications have portrayed the three elements considered most important in Malay society – race, religion and royalty – as being under threat.
This theme of a “threat” to Malay existence alleged by the government is an old one, but has come to the forefront since last year’s general election, in which the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition failed to win more than 50 percent of the popular vote, and returned to power with its smallest-ever majority of seats in parliament.
The result was even worse than in the 2008 election, when Barisan Nasional coalition government lost its crucial two-thirds majority, which had allowed it to make constitutional changes at will.
Lawyer Ambiga Sreenevasan said there is an atmosphere of insecurity – but among the dominant United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) party, not the Malaysian people.
“It’s all about power. It’s about people who think they’re losing power. It’s about shoring up their power base. There’s no threat. How is the majority under threat? If you look at the figures, the administration, police, the army are mostly Malay. It’s not Malays under threat, it’s UMNO,” Sreenevasan said.
London-based rights group Amnesty International called on the government to repeal the sedition law.
“There has been a disturbing increase in the use of the Sedition Act over the past few months against individuals who have done nothing but peacefully express their opinions,” said Amnesty’s Rupert Abbott. “This crackdown is creating a climate of fear in Malaysia and must end.”
A request for comment from the Malaysian government was not answered by the time of publication.
Former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad has defended the Sedition Act, arguing if it were abolished, “the extremists would be free to criticise the king and monarchy openly and even demand that the royal institution be dismantled. There is no law that can stop them”.
The crackdown is just as much about identity as about power, said Syahredzan Johan, the chairman of the Bar Council’s National Young Lawyers Committee.
One-third of Malaysians are under the age of 15, and this tech-savvy generation communicating through social media may be crossing cultural boundaries and coming together in ways the country’s much publicised “One Malaysia” policy has failed to achieve.
“Malaysians are grappling with how to move forward. For the longest time they have been boxed into these neat little categories of Malay, Chinese, Indian – and slowly, through social media, these categories are being broken down. Malaysians are seeing each other through more than just their ethnic identities; they’re seeing each other in the same light and seeing that they are not that different after all,” Syahredzan said.
The idea of social cohesion among younger Malaysians is unsettling the ruling party and a constitution formed on the basis of Malay supremacy, according to Syahredzan.
“This idea that maybe we’re not that different is a threat to the status quo. The sedition crackdown is because right-wing groups have put pressure on the government to take action against these groups which they see as threatening the status quo – the status quo being these [ethnic] categories, and also the status quo of not touching race, religion, or royalty,” he said.
Prime Minister Razak is trying to reform his party and appeal to younger voters with Facebook and Twitter accounts. But at the same time, he is under severe pressure from within the UMNO rank-and-file and right-wing Muslim groups such as Perkasa and ISMA.
‘The good old days’
Eric Paulsen from Lawyers for Liberty said with the growth of social media, Malaysians are becoming more outspoken online.
“It’s not like the good old days, when there was full control over the press. But among the right-wing and Malay rights groups, there’s distrust around non-Malay and non-Muslim groups. If they feel their honour, race, or religion have been slighted they must react,” said Paulsen.
But observers say with state-controlled media outlets pumping out messages about how ethnic Chinese will take over the country, and how groups are trying to convert it to Christianity, even urban, educated Malaysians are starting to believe the “danger”.
“It’s an imagined threat,” said Paulsen.
In 2012, Prime Minister Razak abandoned Malaysia’s controversial Internal Security Act in 2012. That meant authorities lost the power to detain without charge opponents whom they believed were a threat. As a result, the government appears to have resorted to the next best thing – the Sedition Act.
This could explain the government’s reluctance to repeal the act. But even multiple arrests for sedition and the ensuing court hearings have their limits. “How many prosecutions can they do?” asked Paulsen.
It’s not clear how the conflict between conservative and progressive elements in Malaysia will eventually play out.
Some see a bleak future for Malaysia if the current crackdown continues. Former law minister Zaid Ibrahim said he even suspects there could be a time in the future when Malaysia succumbs to military rule if UMNO’s dominance is overturned.
About the only thing that is not in doubt is that Malaysia is at a crossroads.
The debate on the term of Islamic state will constantly reappear in the political discourse in country that Islamic Party exists. It used to be a phenomenon during the post colonialism era when the Egyptian Islamic scholars (Muslim Brotherhood) were driven to bring back the institution of Islamic Caliphate. In 2009, I happened to write an essay entitled “Searching New Substance of Islamic Movement of the First Post Islamic Rise” in which I set out to discuss the articulation of remarkable social trends, political perspectives, and religious thought in Malaysia following the extension of Islamism era in 1960s-1970s from Muslim Brotherhood.
I had outlined some main points the Islamic revival in the year of 1970s. Among the major treasures including scattering of Islamic heritage, especially knowledge of materials and guidelines in solving the current problems and challenges, and the deep confidence of Islam as a potential solution to all diseases and healing of individuals and society. The Phenomena that occur during the era of 70’s is often referred to historians as the era of Islamic Revivalism Rise / Islamic Resurgence.
According to Gordon P. Means in his book Political Islam in South East Asia, “the persistence of some Islamic movement like Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM) and Dar Al-Arqam in united the energy of da’wah finally yielded success a lucrative generation today. The Islamism era in which the Muslim Brotherhood’s dominance of global Islamist activism perceived by orientalist as a big failure.
Apart from due to undemocratic dictators who inhumanely persecuted Islamist, Esposito and Oliver Roy articulated the problem of vast majority of them when the Islamic Revivalism (Islah & Tajdid) was dragged into political Islam without preparation of complete blue print of the good governance as alternative to the so called secular state. The failure of Political Islam?
In a book “The Failure of Political Islam”, Roy shows that the recruitment of large numbers of alienated young men without much hope in the future has transformed political Islam into what he calls “neo-fundamentalism.” Unlike the actual Islamists, many of whom were serious intellectuals who tried to adapt to aspects of modernity, the neo-fundamentalists do little more than channel the discontents of urban youth into political opposition. Neo-fundamentalists worry about morals, mixed education, veiling, and the corrupting influence of the West, but they have no real political or economic program.
If they come to power they will resemble the repressive, one-party regimes that they are likely to replace, and will in turn face the opposition of these same disaffected classes. The evidence to date, however, from Iran and Sudan supports his view that Islamists in power are far from finding solutions to the social and economic problems of their peoples. Roy sees contemporary Islamic movements not as serious efforts to return to the classical paradigms of Islamic governance, but rather as a result of a failed modernization.
The poor ethics and attitude of the Islamists who run the politics contributed to the failure of political Islam. Implementation of Syariah for example, it is perceived as embarassing when the essential objectives of Islamic Law (Maqasid Syariah) to achieve justice is obstructed by the double standard and selective prosecution policies practiced by the official in the ”Islamic state”.
The late 1990s and early 2000 the trends had primarily shifted in stages when the Islamists no longer articulate the term Islamic Revivalism or Islamic state as the main idea of their movement but rather to conceptualize and strategize the rationale of transcending Islamism in social, political, and intellectual domains. Asef Bayat considered the transformation of this societal trend as “post-Islamism”.
Islamist becomes aware of their system’s inadequacies as they attempt to normalize and institutionalize their rule. The continuous trial and error makes the system susceptible to questions and criticisms. Islamism becomes compelled, by societal pressure to re-invent itself and the tremendous transformation in religious and political discourse by En-Nahda movement in Tunisia and AK – Justice and Development Party in Turkey exemplifies this tendency.
Rashid al-Ghannushi and Erdogan decided to follow the system which the mainstream familiar without irrationally imposed the Islamic rules or terms to alternate the policy. En-Nahda and Turkey post-Islamism were embodied in remarkable social trends – expressed in religiously innovative discourse by youths, students, women, and religious intellectuals, who called for democracy, individual rights, tolerance, and gender equality.
The advent of post-Islamism does not necessarily mean the historical end of Islamism but it means the birth out of discourse and politics. It is an attempt to turn the underlying principles of Islamism by emphasizing rights instead of duties, plurality in place of singular authoritative voice, historicity rather than fixed scriptures, and the future instead of the past.
Falling into Islamism net A paradox is how still certain of the Islamists, used to be more creative when under pressure, tend to loss perspective or fighting among themselves when confronted with a situation that is somewhat deals with the notion of liberalism, moderation, openness and equal rights.
Perhaps, the idea of some cleric-Islamist who fails to aware the tremendous change in the era of Post Islamism resulted in the movement to fall into Islamism net. They proudly subscribe the idea of rigidity, claim others who denounce their leadership as un-Islamic, bring the idea of Islamic Revivalism at the most extreme line, and often articulate the terms of Islamic state/rules without providing a tangible blue print as alternative to the society.
The scenario eventually recruits the young people to be irrational and perceive Islam as religion that cannot compromise at all with the individual choice and freedom, democracy and modernity in order to achieve what some have termed an “alternative modernity”. Worse still, this failure to appreciate the change of global trend indeed have reversed them back to the era of extremist Jihadist believing extremism as the only solution for Islam rather than mercy and compassion.
The extremist Jihadis around the world highlighted by media for instance indeed rooted from this failure. Perhaps, the prevalent perception among them is that idea of post-Islamism is an attempt to extremely dilute the Islamic principles. Post-Islamism is neither anti-Islamic, nor is it secular. Rather, it represents an endeavour to fuse religiosity and rights, faith and freedom, Islam and liberty.
PREPARED BY: MUHAMMAD FAISAL BIN ABDUL AZIZ SECRETARY GENERAL MUSLIM YOUTH MOVEMENT MALAYSIA (ABIM)
If you read enough news and watch enough cable television about the threat of the Islamic State, the radical Sunni Muslim militia group better known simply as IS, you will inevitably encounter a parade of retired generals demanding an increased US military presence in the region. They will say that our government should deploy, as retired General Anthony Zinni demanded, up to 10,000 American boots on the ground to battle IS. Or as in retired General Jack Keane’s case, they will make more vague demands, such as for “offensive” air strikes and the deployment of more military advisers to the region.
But what you won’t learn from media coverage of IS is that many of these former Pentagon officials have skin in the game as paid directors and advisers to some of the largest military contractors in the world. Ramping up America’s military presence in Iraq and directly entering the war in Syria, along with greater military spending more broadly, is a debatable solution to a complex political and sectarian conflict. But those goals do unquestionably benefit one player in this saga: America’s defense industry.
Keane is a great example of this phenomenon. His think tank, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), which he oversees along with neoconservative partisans Liz Cheney and William Kristol, has provided the data on IS used for multiple stories by The New York Times, the BBC and other leading outlets.
Keane has appeared on Fox News at least nine times over the last two months to promote the idea that the best way to stop IS is through military action—in particular, through air strikes deep into IS-held territory. In one of the only congressional hearings about IS over the summer, Keane was there to testify and call for more American military engagement. On Wednesday evening, Keane declared President Obama’s speech on defeating IS insufficient, arguing that a bolder strategy is necessary. “I truly believe we need to put special operation forces in there,” he told host Megyn Kelly.
Left unsaid during his media appearances (and left unmentioned on his congressional witness disclosure form) are Keane’s other gigs: as special adviser to Academi, the contractor formerly known as Blackwater; as a board member to tank and aircraft manufacturer General Dynamics; a “venture partner” to SCP Partners, an investment firm that partners with defense contractors, including XVionics, an “operations management decision support system” company used in Air Force drone training; and as president of his own consulting firm, GSI LLC.
To portray Keane as simply a think tank leader and a former military official, as the media have done, obscures a fairly lucrative career in the contracting world. For the General Dynamics role alone, Keane has been paid a six-figure salary in cash and stock options since he joined the firm in 2004; last year, General Dynamics paid him $258,006.
Keane did not immediately return a call requesting comment for this article.
Disclosure would also help the public weigh Keane’s policy advocacy. For instance, in his August 24 opinion column for The Wall Street Journal, in which he was bylined only as a retired general and the chairman of ISW, Keane wrote that “the time has come to confront the government of Qatar, which funds and arms IS and other Islamist terrorist groups such as Hamas.” While media reports have linked fundraisers for IS with individuals operating in Qatar (though not the government), the same could be said about Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, where many of the major donors of IS reportedly reside. Why did Keane single out Qatar and ignore Saudi Arabia and Kuwait? Is it because his company, Academi, has been a major business partner to the United Arab Emirates, Qatar’s primary rival in the region?
Other examples abound.
In a Washington Post story about Obama’s decision not to deploy troops to combat IS, retired Marine General James Mattis was quoted as a skeptic. “The American people will once again see us in a war that doesn’t seem to be making progress,” Mattis told the paper. Left unmentioned was Mattis’s new role as Keane’s colleague on the General Dynamics corporate board, a role that afforded Mattis $88,479 in cash and stock options in 2013.
Retired General Anthony Zinni, perhaps the loudest advocate of a large deployment of American soliders into the region to fight IS, is a board member to BAE Systems’ US subsidiary, and also works for several military-focused private equity firms.
CNN pundit Frances Townsend, a former Bush administration official, has recently appeared on television calling for more military engagement against IS. As the Public Accountability Initiative, a nonprofit that studies elite power structures, reported, Townsend “holds positions in two investment firms with defense company holdings, MacAndrews & Forbes and Monument Capital Group, and serves as an advisor to defense contractor Decision Sciences.”
“Mainstream news outlets have a polite practice of identifying former generals and former congressmembers as simply ‘formers’—neglecting to inform the public of what these individuals are doing now, which is often quite pertinent information, like that they are corporate lobbyists or board members,” says Jeff Cohen, an associate professor of journalism at Ithaca College.
Media outlets might justify their omissions by reasoning that these pundits have merely advocated certain military strategies, not specific weapons systems, so disclosure of their financial stake in the policy need not be made. Yet the drumbeat for war has already spiraled into calls for increased military spending that lifts all boats—or non-operational jets for that matter.
When the Pentagon sent a recent $2 billion request for ramped-up operations in the Middle East, supposedly to confront the IS issue, budget details obtained by Bloomberg News revealed that officials asked for money for additional F-35 planes. The F-35 is not in operation and would not be used against IS. The plane is notoriously over budget and perpetually delayed—some experts call it the most expensive weapon system in human history—with a price tag now projected to be over $1 trillion. In July, an engine fire grounded the F-35 fleet and again delayed the planned debut of the plane. How it ended up in the Pentagon’s Middle East wish list is unclear.
“I think an inclination to use military action a lot is something the defense industry subscribes to because it helps to perpetuate an overall climate of permissiveness towards military spending,” says Ed Wasserman, dean of the UC Berkeley Graduate School for Journalism. Wasserman says that the media debate around IS has tilted towards more hawkish former military leaders, and that the public would be best served not only with better disclosure but also a more balanced set of opinions that would include how expanded air strikes could cause collateral civil casualties. “The past fifty years has a lot of evidence of the ineffectiveness of air power when it comes to dealing with a more nimble guerrilla-type adversary, and I’m not hearing this conversation,” he notes.
The pro-war punditry of retired generals has been the subject of controversy in the past. In a much-cited 2008 exposé, The New York Times revealed a network of retired generals on the payroll of defense contractors who carefully echoed the Bush administration’s Iraq war demands through appearances on cable television.
The paper’s coverage of the run-up to a renewed conflict in the region today has been notably measured, including many voices skeptical of calls for a more muscular military response to IS. Nonetheless, the Times has relied on research from a contractor-funded advocacy organization as part of its IS coverage. Reports produced by Keane’s ISW have been used to support six different infographics used for Times stories since June. The Times has not mentioned Keane’s potential conflict of interest or that ISW may have a vested stake in its policy positions. The Public Accountability Initiative notes that ISW’s corporate sponsors represent “a who’s who of the defense industry and includes Raytheon, SAIC, Palantir, General Dynamics, CACI, Northrop Grumman, DynCorp, and L-3 Communication.” As the business network CNBC reported this week, Raytheon in particular has much to gain from escalation in Iraq, as the company produces many of the missiles and radar equipment used in airstrikes.
In addition to providing reports and quotes for the media, ISW leaders have demanded a greater reaction to IS from the Obama administration. In The Weekly Standard this week, ISW president Kim Kagan wrote that President Obama’s call for a limited engagement against IS “has no chance of success.”
ISW’s willingness to push the envelope has gotten the organization into hot water before. In 2013, ISW suffered an embarrassing spectacle when one of its analysts, Elizabeth O’Bagy, was found to have inflated her academic credentials, touting a PhD from a Georgetown program that she had never entered.
But memories are short, and the media outlets now relying heavily on ISW research have done little to scrutinize the think tank’s policy goals. Over the last two years, ISW, including O’Bagy, were forcefully leading the push to equip Syrian rebels with advanced anti-tank and anti-aircraft weaponry to defeat Bashar al-Assad.
For Keane, providing arms to Syrian rebels, even anti-American groups, was a worthwhile gamble. In an interview with Fox Business Network in May of last year, Keane acknowledged that arming Syrian rebels might mean “weapons can fall into radical Islamists’ hands.” He continued, “It is true the radical Islamists have gained in power and influence mainly because we haven’t been involved and that is a fact, but it’s still true we have vetted some of these moderate rebel groups with the CIA, and I’m convinced we can—it’s still acceptable to take that risk, and let’s get on with changing momentum in the war.”
That acceptable risk Keane outlined has come to fruition. Recent reports now indicate that US-made weapons sent from American allies in the region to Syrian rebels have fallen into the hands of IS.
Keane, and ISW, is undeterred. The group just put out a call for 25,000 ground troops in Iraq and Syria.
UNTUK EDARAN SEGERA
25 SEPT 2014
PENDAKWAAN AKTA HASUTAN TERHADAP PEGUAMBELA SAYA OLEH PENTADBIRAN NAJIB RAZAK MENGHALANG PENDENGARAN YANG ADIL DI MAHKAMAH PERSEKUTUAN
Saya rujuk rayuan saya terhadap sabitan kes Fitnah 2 yang akan didengar Mahkamah Persekutuan pada 28 dan 29 Oktober 2014.
Perkembangan mutakhir cukup menjejas hak saya untuk mendapatkan pendengaran yang adil di dalam rayuan yang akan datang ini. Pada 19 dan 28 Ogos 2014, peguambela saya N Surendran telah didakwa dua kali di bawah Akta Hasutan, dan kedua-dua dakwaan ini berkait langsung dengan kes rayuan saya ini.
Kedua-dua dakwaan tersebut melibatkan perkara-perkara yang dibangkitkan beliau yang merupakan sebahagian daripada pembelaan saya di dalam rayuan di peringkat Mahkamah Persekutuan ini. Dakwaan pertama berkait kritikan terhadap keputusan hakim Mahkamah Rayuan yang mensabitkan saya. Kritikan ini melibatkan hujah-hujah yang akan dibangkit peguambela saya di dalam rayuan yang akan datang ini.
Dakwaan kedua berkait kenyataan Surendran yang telah bercakap kepada media selepas pengurusan kes rayuan saya bahawa wujud satu konspirasi dalam dakwaan-dakwaan terhadap saya. Sekali lagi saya nyatakan bahawa dakwaan konspirasi adalah salah satu hujah pembelaan saya di mahkamah.
Di dalam kenyataan dari kandang tertuduh, sewaktu perbicaraan kes saya telah menyatakan:
“Keseluruhan proses ini tidak lain dan tidak bukan adalah satu konspirasi oleh Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Najib Razak untuk menghilangkan saya dari persada politik dengan sekali lagi berusaha untuk memenjarakan saya. Oleh itu saya nyatakan bahawa saya tidak mempunyai kepercayaan bahawa keadilan akan ditegakkan dalam perbicaraan ini walaupun pasukan pembelaan telah berusaha bersungguh-sungguh. Sepertimana yang saya sebutkan sebelum ini, ini bukanlah satu perbicaraan jenayah. Ini adalah satu sandiwara yang dipentaskan pemerintah untuk memastikan saya tidak aktif dalam politik demi kelangsungan kekuasaan mereka.
Pada 1998, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad telah melakukan perkara ini dan tindakan ‘Machiavellian’ beliau menggunakan seluruh jentera Kerajaan telah memastikan saya dipenjarakan selama 15 tahun di atas kesalahan-kesalahan yang tidak pernah saya lakukan. Inilah kezaliman dan ketidakadilan yang telah diperlakukan terhadap saya dahulu. Dan inilah juga kezaliman dan ketidakadilan yang diteruskan hari ini.
Najib Razak melakukan perkara yang sama seperti mentornya, iaitu dengan mengerahkan keseluruhan jentera termasuk media, polis, Peguam Negara dan badan kehakiman untuk memastikan keadilan tidak ditegakkan dan saya dibuang dari persada politik tanah air.”
Kenapakah ia satu kesalahan jenayah untuk peguambela saya menyatakan hujah pembelaan saya?
Kenyataan-kenyataan peguam saya untuk membela saya kini dijadikan asas pendakwaan jenayah terhadap beliau. Ini satu penganiayaan. Ia jelas dilakukan untuk menakut-nakutkan pasukan pembelaan saya dan menghalang mereka dari melakukan tugas-tugas profesional serta mencabul hak saya dibawah perlembagaan untuk mendapat khidmat guaman yang baik.
Rayuan saya akan terjejas dan akan bersifat tidak adil dari saat ia dimulakan. Pendakwaan-pendakwaan terhadap Surendran ini hanya mengesahkan dakwaan konspirasi terhadap saya dan mengukuhkan kepercayaan bahawa pihak kerajaan berusaha sedaya upaya untuk memenjarakan saya.