Dari Tranungkite
Oleh Aspan Alias

Slogan-slogan politik bercambah-cambah dan slogan-slogan itu bertukar apabila bertukar kepimpinan sehinggakan kita sudah kenyang dengan slogan-slogan itu. Slogan selalunya diperkenalkan oleh seseorang pemimpin itu untuk membezakan ‘brand’ kepimpinan masing-masing. Selalunya ia akan diwar-warkan yang dibawah pimpinannya keadaan itu berbeza dari keadaan yang lazim dialami rakyat dizaman kepimpinan sebelumnya.

Berslogan mula bercambah sejak kepimpinan Mahathir sahaja. Apabila Mahathir mengambil alih, rakyat telah cuba di dakyahkan sebagai zaman yang amat berbeza dengan pimpinan sebelum beliau. Gandingan beliau dengan Musa Hitam digambarkan sebagai pimpinan yang sangat berbeza dengan kepimpinan sebelumnya kerana bermula dari beliau zaman itu bermulalah zaman kepimpinan negara diterajui oleh orang biasa. Maka pimpinan itu telah dipanggil sebagai kepimpinan 2M (Mahathir Musa)

Pimpinan 2M terbengkalai dengan perletakkan jawatan Musa sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri pada Februari 1986. Perletakkan jawatan Musa telah akhirnya membawa kepada pertandingan besar dalam UMNO pada tahun berikutnya 1987 diantara TR/Musa dan Mahathir /Ghaffar.

Apabila Mahathir mula-mula mengambil alih, maka terciptalah slogan ‘Bersih, cekap dan amanah’. Tetapi slogan ini hanya tinggal slogan kerana semasa itu tidak ada yang bersihnya, tidak ada kecekapan dan jauh sekali untuk melihat amanahnya. Zaman ini lah bermulanya rasuah yang begitu hebat dan budaya itu terus  diwarisi oleh kepimpinan Pak Lah dan pimpinan DS Najib sekarang ini.

Dalam masa yang sama tercipta juga slogan  ‘kepimpinan melalui tauladan’ dan inilah satu-satunya slogan yang amat berjaya yang dicipta Dr Mahathir Mohamad. Ini adalah kerana segala budaya rasuah itu telah diteladani oleh semua pemimpin setiap peringkat dalam kerajaan dan parti serta pimpinan-pimpinan yang mewarisi kepimpinan Mahathir sehingga  zaman sekarang ini.

Semua pimpinan UMNO dan BN benar-benar berjaya melaksanakan slogan ini sehinggakan susah untuk mendapatkan kepimpinan yang tidak rasuah. Semuanya ini adalah hasil dari kempen ‘kepimpinan melalui tauladan’ anjuran Mahathir itu. Di adakan pula slogan ‘penerapan nilai-nilai Islam’ dalam pentadbiran dalam masa yang sama tetapi tidak ada addin keislaman di dalamnya kerana kejayaan slogan kepimpinan melalui tauladan tadi.

Kita terus pula kepada slogan dalam pentadbiran Najib iaitu ‘1Malaysia’ yang masih belum difahami oleh rakyat satu Malaysia ini. Yang kita lihat hanyalah pin-pin 1Malaysia yang terlekat di dada dan kolor baju-baju pemimpin-pemimpin dan pegawai-pegawai kerajaan sahaja. Yang sedapnya Mahathir sendiri mengaku yang beliau tidak faham tentang slogan ini.

Bagaimana slogan 1Malaysia hendak berjaya sedangkan kepimpinan termasuk Najib yang mencipta slogan itu sendiri bercakap isu rasis apabila bertemu dengan ahli-ahli UMNO. Muhyiddin Yassin pula tidak menyokong slogan ini kerana beliau secara terbuka telah mengakui yang beliau mengambil sikap Melayu dahulu barulah rakyat yang lain.

Walau bagaimana pun rakyat tidak perlu gusar tentang slogan yang tidak terlaksana oleh penciptanya sendiri. Ada pihak lain yang mampu melaksanakan slogan ciptaan pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO itu. Kita tidak payah pergi jauh. Kita tinjau sahaja apa yang dilakukan oleh negeri-negeri yang ditadbir oleh Pakatan Rakyat.

Selangor telah berjaya mempunyai bajet yang seimbang dengan ‘reserve’ hampir RM2 billion. Pulau Pinang telah berjaya untuk menghilangkan budaya rasuah dan telah menunjukkan nilai kesamarataan. Peruntukkan Hal Agama Islam sekarang telah meningkat sehingga RM63 juta sedangkan semasa BN memerintah negeri itu peruntukkan untuk hal ehwal Islam hanyalah RM12 juta sahaja.

Tidak ada kedengaran skandal kewangan sehingga RM12 billion seperti isu PKFZ di Selangor sekarang ini ataupun kedapatan pemimpin negeri itu yang telah membina rumah peribadi sehingga RM20 juta di Shah Alam. Tidak ada lagi kedengaran skandal kehilangan RM500 juta wang Yayasan Selangor.

Kedah dan Kelantan juga mempunyai rekod baik dan tidak kedengaran rasuah yang berbillion ringgit berlaku di negeri-negeri tersebut. Kedah merupakan salah satu negeri yang mendapat kemasukan pelaburan dalam bidang pembuatan yang besar dan negeri itu adalah salah sebuah dari lima negeri teratas berbanding dengan negeri-negeri tadbiran BN.

Pulai Pinang merupakan negeri yang berkedudukan nombor satu dan diikuti oleh Selangor. Sarawak menduduki tempat ketiga dan yang keempat Johor, satu-satunya negeri yang ditadbir BN yang masuk ke dalam kategori lima teratas itu.

Dalam kata-kata lain secara ringkasnya jika slogan ‘Bersih, cekap dan amanah’ adalah laungan BN semasa Dr Mahathir menjadi PM dalam senyap-senyap negeri-negeri tadbiran Pakatan Rakyatlah yang menjayakan slogan itu. Begitu juga slogan ‘1Malaysia’ ciptaan Najib, BN tidak mampu melaksanakannya tetapi yang berjaya melaksanakan konsep 1Malaysia ialah parti-parti dalam PR kerana setiap bangsa bersatu dan tidak ada parti untuk satu-satu kaum sahaja.

Oleh itu kita nampak dengan jelas yang BN hanya pandai berslogan tetapi  PR lah yang mampu melaksanakannya. Kita akui slogan-slogan ciptaan BN itu adalah baik kesemuanya. Hanya mereka tidak mampu melaksanakannya dan ia hanya tinggal retorik kosong BN sahaja.

Maka kita simpulkan sahaja isu ini: BN berslogan PR melaksanakannya. Maka tidak ada lagi masalah perlaksanaan slogan-slogan tersebut apabila Pakatan Rakyat diberi mandat oleh rakyat semasa pilihanraya yang akan datang ini.

UMNO dan BN boleh membantu mewujudkan slogan-slogan yang baik semasa jadi pembangkang nanti dan berikan tugas kepada Pakatan Rakyat untuk melaksanakannya dengan baik sebagai kerajaan baru yang begitu lama ternanti-nanti saat untuk membetulkan kebobrokan yang dilakukan oleh bekas parti pemerintah, iaitu Barisan Nasional (BN) yang semasa itu sudah duduk dikerusi pembangkang di semua Dewan-Dewan Lagislatif di negara ini.

Apabila perubahan berlaku maka bermula jugalah sistem 2 parti yang sangat penting untuk mendapatkan pimpinan yang mengakui yang kuasa dalam negara demokrasi ini terletak di tangan rakyat. Rakyat tidak payah lagi bersusah payah kerana jika Pakatan Rakyat  tidak melaksanakan tugas seperti yang dijanjikan maka rakya boleh memberikan kembali mandat itu kembali kepada BN.

Tetapi yang penting sekali kita mesti bermula untuk menunjukkan kepada kepimpinan yang bongkak dengan kuasa itu bahawa rakyat, jika diizin Tuhan, merupakan penentu kepada nasib mereka yang berkuasa. Rakyat boleh menggali dan menganjak kepimpinan negara, kerana negara ini sebenarnya adalah kepunyaan rakyat.

Hanya sebelum ini rakyat belum lagi sedar yang kuasa itu adalah kuasa mereka. Baru sekarang mereka (rakyat) sedar yang mereka lah yang mesti bertindak untuk melakukan usaha memperbetulkan keadaan negara kita ini.

Lagi pun BN sudah terlalu lama memerintah, iaitu selama 55 tahun. Kita mesti ingat jika pokok kelapa itu sudah berumur 55 tahun ia terlalu tinggi dan beruk pun takut untuk memanjatnya. Jika ditebang pokok kelapa yang berumur 55 tahun, umbutnya pun sudah keras dan tidak sedap lagi untuk digulai.

KeadilanDaily

Ketua Umum KEADILAN, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim berkata, kemenangan Presiden Perancis yang baru, Francois Hollande akan mempercepatkan siasatan terhadap skandal rasuah Scorpene membabitkan Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

“Kemenangan presiden baru Perancis akan mempercepatkan siasatan kes rasuah kapal selam,” kata Anwar dalam satu ceramah di Batu Caves, baru-baru ini.

Menurut Anwar, rakan karib Perdana Menteri yang juga pemilik Perimekar iaitu Abdul Razak Baginda dan Najib sendiri antara saksi yang akan dipanggil.

Katanya, Mahkamah Perancis bukan hanya menghadkan siasatan mereka terhadap pembelian Scorpene, tetapi juga akan mengheret siasatan dalam kes pembunuhan Altantuya Shaariibu, apabila turut memanggil Dr Setev Shaariibu sebagai saksi perbicaraan.

“Kalau begitu, nama Malaysia akan terjejas. Proses keadilan sedang berjalan, apa keputusan saya tidak tahu.
“Tetapi yang saya tahu, ia tidak seperti badan kehakiman seperti Malaysia. Ia (Mahkamah Perancis) lebih bebas dan terbuka dan siasatan adalah berat kerana melibatkan kes rasuah yang besar.

“Kes ini ada kaitan dengan penjualan Submarine di Pakistan yang melibatkan 13 orang terbunuh dan penjualan submarine di Taiwan yang menyebabkan seorang terbunuh, dan di Malaysia mengakibatkan seorang terbunuh (Altantuya),” ujarnya.
Pendakwa awam Perancis yang menyiasat urus niaga pembelian Scorpene baru-baru ini menemui bukti bahawa Najib ketika menjadi Menteri Pertahanan meminta AS$1 bilion (RM3 bilion) untuk syarikat tempatan Perimekar daripada DCNI – anak syarikat pembuat kapal Perancis DCN.

Menurut kertas pendakwaan yang didedahkan NGO hak asasi Suara Rakyat Malaysia (Suaram), terdapat faksimili menunjukkan Najib meminta jumlah itu sebagai syarat mengadakan pertemuan dengan beliau pada 14 Julai 2001.
7 Mei lalu, Francois Hallonde, menewaskan Nicholas Sarkozy untuk jawatan presiden.

Malaysiakini
By Bridget Welsh

With well over 100,000 people gathering last week for electoral reform in the largest street protest in the nation’s history – and the event marred by violence by both state and non-state actors alike – Malaysian politics has reached an important impasse.

The Bersih 3.0 rally and its aftermath reveal that the path ahead for Malaysian politics will grow even more contentious and complex. As the different ‘Bersih stories’ pour in, ranging from ‘ordinary’ heroism to the darker accounts of beatings and abuse of power, the move of Malaysian politics outside of the realm of elite to the streets and social media is both empowering and scary.

Prime Minister Najib Razak’s decision not to accommodate the concerns of the protesters last week, and even to demonise their actions, now prods Malaysia further along the road to its day of destiny, where the political fate of Malaysia’s 54-year government will be determined. So far, the routes chosen are one of confrontation rather than compromise, making resolution to differences even more difficult.

Before the rally, I argued that four actors would shape politics around Bersih 3.0 – the youth, the middle class, the police and East Malaysians. Of these, three were decisive on rally day itself (the latter will grow more so as elections approach).

The youth and the middle-class attended the rally in large numbers, marking a new generation’s engagement with politics and transforming a largely apathetic middle class into a more engaged electorate.

Those wearing yellow and green included Malaysia’s soccer moms, the shopping mall princesses, disgruntled students, retirees and usually reticent professionals.

These individuals comprised those who had for years enjoyed the air-conditioned comfort of Malaysia’s success, yet with different levels of concern and angst chose to brave Kuala Lumpur’s hot and humid conditions on April 28. It was uncomfortable, but overwhelmingly, this embrace of discomfort shows how engaged Malaysians are with hot-button political issues and their willingness to stand up and be counted.

They were there because they see the country moving in the wrong direction and wanted to make it right. At the very least, the Bersih rally revealed the shortcomings of the country’s leaders in addressing the concerns of a large, important and increasing number of its citizens.

Much of the attention focused on the third actor, the police, whose over-the-top actions in the use of tear gas and their attacks on journalists have permanently stained their reputation among those connected to the rally.

For those not at the rally, the picture is less clear as the mainstream media has manipulated the event in an attempt to snatch the moral high ground, with the government going as far as censoring the international media and destroying cameras. Often the characterisation of police action has been one of black and white, where in actual fact there is much more gray, and views are evolving as more and more stories are shared.

Questions will remain about the breaching of the barricade, and unless a truly independent party investigates, the ‘he said, she said’ dynamic will be rife with conspiracy theories that breed confusion and suspicion rather than promote genuine respect for the rule of law.

Ultimately, Malaysian voters will decide on who ordered what and why, as the truth cannot be censored with over 100,000 Malaysians from all walks of life sharing their experiences back inside their air-conditioned homes through a social network that directly and indirectly touched over half of the electorate.

Different narratives

Bersih 3.0 was a nationalistic event, a moment of patriotism. What is striking to see are two conflicting ‘Save Malaysia’ narratives that have emerged. The first is one that is shared by rally attendees and its supporters as those who braved the tear gas decided to come out to ‘save’ the country.

This vision is one in which the event becomes a turning point towards greater freedom and empowerment. The symbolism of Dataran Merdeka runs deep as this nationalist narrative is one of rights and fairness.

The core of electoral reform involves guaranteeing that the voice of the people is heard fairly and freely. As such, for Bersih supporters attending the rally, it was about this democratic image for the country as it hopes to move towards a stronger system based on integrity and inclusion.

This stands in stark contrast to the alternative image based on a more reactionary nationalism, one in which the threat is defined as the protesters, ordinary people, who are challenging the status quo. They were portrayed as attacking the country, first on the police force and then later the incumbent system as a whole.

This government-linked ‘image building’ has attempted to showcase the protesters as national security threats (needing barbed wire), immoral actors who are ‘dirty’ rather than clean. Embedded in this narrative is the image that the protestors are anti-Malay, initially as attackers of the Malay police force and later as supposedly immoral individuals.

It is hate-speech that is reminiscent of regimes that feed on fear and hold onto power through exclusion. Also weaved into this narrative is the image of destabilising reformasi proponent fighting for power in the form of Anwar Ibrahim, who is ironically attacked even further in what can be seen as an effort to bring back the Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s base of supporters into Najib’s political fold.

The efforts to stoke hatred of the Bersih movement and its supporters, especially opposition leaders, are extensive, involving the manipulation of the foreign media and threats against journalists and observers, such as Australia’s Senator Nicholas Xenophon.

This narrative is about using racism and fear, hoping to tap into underlying conservatism and relying heavily on state power to hold onto power. This is all couched in an alternative narrative of patriotism, where Dataran Merdeka is portrayed as the place where challengers to power are putting the country governed by the BN under attack.

For the democratic nationalists in this equation, Bersih 3.0 was a mass rebellion. It was attacked, put down and described in such a manner that will build anger. The calls for Bersih 4.0 are already being voiced among supporters.

For the reactionary nationalists, Bersih 3.0 represents a revolutionary event that they have chosen to demonise, not fully realising that in doing so they are sowing the seeds of further discontent.

Supporters on this pole are demanding for arrests, with Bersih leaders and opposition activists top of the list, as they are blinded by authoritarian tools used in the Mahathir era that are outdated in Malaysia’s more mature polity.

Four fundamental mistakes

The reason that these narratives are so different is a continued misreading of Bersih 3.0. There are four fundamental mistakes that the reactionary nationalists made about the Bersih rally. First of all, they continue to equate the movement with the opposition.

This stems from a deep-seated fear of Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim. While both Pakatan Rakyat and the civil society-led Bersih movement share some common interests in reform, as do the overwhelming majority of Malaysians from across the political divide, they are not the same. Bersih represents a broad social movement that goes beyond opposition political leaders, and arguably even the Bersih leaders themselves.

It is about reform in governance and better representation, including on the part of opposition parties. This expansion of civil society into places such as Kota Kinabalu and Ipoh, as well as broadening within Kuala Lumpur itself, illustrates the new people-oriented politics of Malaysia. Elites on both sides will have to accommodate a more active and engaged public.

The days when people blindly follow the leaders or go to the streets for personalities alone are gone. Attacks on individual politicians in the wake of the rally just reveal a complete misunderstanding of the movement.

The second mistake of the reactionary nationalists is that Bersih 3.0 is about separate groups of Malaysians divided by ethnicity, organised by clearly ethnically divided groups. While ethnic identity remains important for Malaysian politics, for rally goers this was not about race, but about the country. The consistent theme is one of Malaysian identity, where one of the rally’s theme songs was ‘Negaraku’.

The impact of this public move to embrace non-ethnic politics is profound. In March 2008, voting across ethnic lines was largely private. The reality of common purpose came when the results came out.

Many of the motivations of March 2008 – Hindraf, religious rights and more – were ethnic in nature. Bersih 3.0 was markedly different. It was about a common purpose, where ethnicity was put aside in favour of community building. Bersih 3.0 was arguably the largest trust-building event in Malaysia’s history after Merdeka.

Malays, Chinese, Indians, Kadazans, Ibans and more met each other, shared laughter, water, sweets, salt… and tears. (The spillover is that it helps build trust among many opposition supporters who came to the rally, as well as the middle-ground Malaysians who met die-hard opposition members for the first time. For PAS in particular, perhaps the biggest success was its Amal security units, which were seen protecting rally-goers across races.)

After years of movement towards differences, towards less understanding, this was put aside on a hot afternoon. Bersih 3.0 has set in place conditions where trust building among ordinary people can grow stronger.

Ironically, the reactionary nationalists have underestimated the dissipation of fear in Malaysian politics. This is their third mistake. The bravery among Malaysians is growing. You do not need to look at the numbers of the crowd, although this should not be ignored.

You do not need to even look at the leaders of the movement or the examples of police officers who offered helping hands to rally goers while some of their peers were abusing their positions. Malaysians are increasingly willing to take ownership of their future and are willing to do so again.

Conservatively, the size of Bersih 3.0 doubled in less than a year. The authorities are fooling themselves if they think that these people will not stand up again. Bersih conservatively directly touched over 20 percent of the electorate and indirectly much more. The large participation of young people is especially important as they are traditionally the strongest risk-takers.

One student remarked to me afterwards how the taste of the tear gas the second time was sweeter and she was ready for more. Yes, a she. This is a less fearful Malaysia, and a more angrier one.

Finally, the reactionary nationalists appear to be mistakenly ignoring the issue behind the rally – electoral reform. Polling conducted in late 2011 shows before Bersih 3.0 that only a third of citizens think the electoral process is fair and free – very much in line with the Umno hardcore.

Whatever people think about the tactics and individuals in Bersih – and views differ – the overwhelming majority of Malaysians see a problem with the electoral system.

The government should bear in mind that globally, the single most important event that triggers political transitions is a fraudulent election. If the BN goes to the polls under the circumstances that are already widely seen to be unfair and lacking integrity, they are miscalculating the underlying sentiments of a growing number of people about the core issue of the rally.

They will be seen to be illegitimate by a large share of the population. This size of the rally should be sending clear signals to leaders to properly engage in electoral reform. Anything else will be seen by many as a desperate measure to hold onto power rather than a genuine mandate of a leader.

No compromises, only confrontation

Attention has centred on the timing of the polls. It looks more and more likely that these will occur as early as next month. Najib, over the past week, has embraced a hardline position, with an attempt to unite his base and papering over the divisions within Umno.

The media inundation of a turned-over car and the resultant violence aims to bring the rural base back into the BN fold. To add onto this, the hardline efforts involving personal attacks – with bizarre photos bordering on pornography on the front-page of national newspapers and complete fabrications of speeches – reflects the beginnings of an assault on the opposition and international observers.

These tactics coupled with the embedded advantages in the electoral system and support from East Malaysia appear to form the strategy that is perceived to bring a BN victory, albeit one that will be highly contentious.

To follow the path of confrontation rather than compromise is very risky. First of all, it ignores the elephant in the room associated with elections, the need for the elections to be seen as legitimate.

To date, the government’s outreach to Bersih is missing and genuine avenues for electoral reform remain unexplored. While Bersih faces the challenge of illustrating the need for reforms and moving the movement forward, its central message has resonated among many Malaysians. The greater the demonisation and distancing away from Bersih, the harder compromise is possible.

Second, it assumes that Najib can control the actors who are carrying out hardline manoeuvres. Already the Umno-linked New Straits Times has been internationally shamed. How many other institutions will have to compromise themselves in this battle for power, in which more authoritarian measures are adopted?

What makes the current environment complex for the current leadership is that even its own actors on the BN side have become more non-state in nature and are increasingly mobilised, making this move toward legitimising hardline approaches even more risky.

Letting this sort of politics rule reflects on the leadership. Physics teaches us that with every action there is another reaction. Hardline options provoke hardline responses. This dynamic will serve to polarise the electorate into political camps and harden positions in these camps. The days of polarisation of families post-1999 reformasi are coming again, but with even greater intensity given the mobilisation of the young.

Finally, this apparent choice by Najib to embrace the hardline political path will make it even harder to bring about any reform in any realm. To de-link economic reform from political change is unviable. There is a need to implement the rule of law fairly to promote the economy, and this involves a fair and unbiased investigation.

To give in to the hardline political position will undermine economic reform and contribute to the bad practices of using resources to win political allies rather than in building a sustainable and inclusive economy.

Indeed, the miscalculations of a growing social movement by reactionary nationalists will make Najib’s national leadership even more vulnerable.

The title was inspired by a Bersih 3.0 protester, whose remarks on BBC was censored by local satellite TV station Astro.

Malaysia Chronicle

Friends have asked me what prompted the extraordinary hatchet job that Dr Chandra Muzaffar attempted on the Bersih 3.0 movement and its leaders in his recent article misleadingly titled ‘Bersih and the Quest for Human Rights’ published in various media.

What was in the article that could be of academic or scholarly value to warrant any close reading? Those attracted by the title may have expected an article on how the quest for human rights in Malaysia may have taken on fresh urgency given the police manhandling of the demonstrators and media, and the many instances of violation of democratic rights.

In the internet and mainstream media, the issue of police brutality has become the main focus and memory of demonstrators and the Malaysian public. That could have been a topic that Dr Chandra – in defending the status quo – could have brought fresh insights from a human rights perspective.

However, he chose not to do so. Instead he churned out a propagandistic piece praising the political reforms undertaken as well as aimed at demonizing the Bersih leaders and its supporters from the opposition.

His reminder about the “degree of integrity in the electoral process” and the fact that there is no electoral process in the world that is totally free of blemish is quite a turn-around. The Chandra of old that I remember was lucid, scathing and critical of the lopsided electoral playing field in favour of the Barisan Nasional and the formidable array of dirty tricks, including mal-apportionment and gerrymandering, it used to win elections.

A real U-turn

This includes control of the mainstream mass media that is now unsurprisingly keen to publish any piece that Dr Chandra provides – certainly a far cry from past practice when he was with Aliran or the opposition.

In my numerous conversations with him during the 16 years that we were friends and colleagues at Universiti Sains Malaysia, we talked and shared similar views of the unfair and un-free electoral process and also of BN’s manipulation of the system that enabled it to hold on to power indefinitely.

Today, Dr Chandra seems to have changed his view on the ruling party and many issues in the country, including that of the state of civil liberties. According to him, “[I]t is an irrefutable fact that through these legislative reforms [Peaceful Assembly Act, ISA repeal, etc] the space and scope for the expression and articulation of human rights has been expanded and enhanced as never before.”

That “irrefutable fact”, as Dr Chandra terms it, is not irrefutable. It needs the passage of time and confirmation from the ground to ascertain what has been gained and whether the reforms are substantive or simply cosmetic to pre-empt regime change. Sweeping or grandstanding statements such as the one above made by him are premature and smack of political partisanship.

Should Dr Chandra, after conducting rigorous social science research – publish the results of his work confirming this “irrefutable fact”, it may perhaps help convince sceptics that there has been “far reaching changes to political and civil liberties.”

Less than convincing compared to other accounts

In the meantime, his pronouncements on the changes in the country are less convincing and less thoughtful than the one below, which could have come from the pen of the Chandra of old.

Excerpts from Muaz Omar: ‘Claiming back our freedom’ (The Malaysian Insider, 3 May 2012)

As the nation and its people developed and progressed, Umno has dragged its feet, not wanting to accept that the social and political fabric has changed.

They are trapped in their old ways continuing their archaic doctrine of oppression, rampant corruption and abuse of power as well as propagating religious and racial tensions.

Half-hearted and watered-down transformation policies by Prime Minister Najib Razak failed to diminish the desire of Malaysians for a better deal.

The people are not impressed by the lack of political will.

This resulted in the resounding success of Bersih 3.0 on April 28 in Kuala Lumpur and 80 other cities around the world.

Hundreds of thousands, mostly young, of all races attended the gathering in Kuala Lumpur peacefully until the riot police took action.

Ordinary Malaysians were beaten up and tear-gassed. Even local and foreign media personnel were manhandled, some with their equipment destroyed and confiscated.

This black mark on Malaysian democracy reaffirms concerns that Najib lacks the desire or the will to reform.

His much-touted Peaceful Assembly Act did not provide any democratic civil rights to the people but is used to forcefully maintain the hegemony of his own party.

In short, Najib continues to engage in repressive and authoritarian tactics of former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

The tenacity as well as desire of Malaysians for substantive change was evident during the rally.

As Najib and Umno-BN leaders try to downplay and dismiss this demand by shifting blame and pointing fingers, Pakatan Rakyat needs to listen closely to Malaysians and not misread or take for granted their desire for change.

The people swarmed the capital with the intent of claiming back their freedom; they are tired, they are fed-up, and they are angry.

Who are you to call others ‘frauds’ and ‘hypocrites’

My final problem with Dr Chandra’s article is its unprecedented attack on some of the Bersih and opposition activists as “frauds and hypocrites without any sincere commitment to freedom and democracy.” According to him, “[t]hrough their politics of deceit and duplicity, they continue to manipulate mass sentiments for their own diabolical agenda.” These are strong accusations, going beyond even what the BN leaders have said.

Who are these people that he describes as frauds and hypocrites? It is unethical to hide under the cover of generalization in making these allegations.

Besides the requirement of naming them, Dr Chandra should realize that as a social scientist he must provide evidence to prove his argument that they are frauds and hypocrites. What actions have they engaged in to deserve such demonizing from a senior social scientist holding the esteemed position of Noordin Sopiee Professor of Global Studies?

Has he conducted any interviews with the Bersih leaders to get them to explain their positions? Or has he found them guilty without bothering to speak to them?

Is this the view of key independent respondents such as those who took part in the rallies? Or is this the view of the larger population? Or perhaps is it the view of some of the BN leaders?

These and a myriad of other questions need to be answered by Dr Chandra. Otherwise he will be seen as another BN mouthpiece out to score cheap points and using the cloak of academic position to bolster his politically biased opinion.

Dr Lim Teck Ghee is the director of the Center for Policy Initiatives

The Malaysian Insider
Oleh Zulhabri Supian

Bersih! Bersih! Bersih! Kata-kata ini telah menggegarkan.

Seperti semua maklum tanggal 28 April 2012 lalu merupakan detik bersejarah di dalam perjalanan sebuah negara moden bernama Malaysia apabila puluhan ribu bahkan ada mengatakan ratusan ribu rakyat Malaysia berbilang kaum dan agama turun ke jalan raya menuntut pilihan raya bersih dan adil. Aksi ini dinamai sebagai Bersih 3.0.

Sehingga kini telah tersebar catatan para peserta di blog, nota Facebook dan di media alternatif yang menceritakan pengalaman dan sudut pandang masing-masing mengenai persitiwa yang menghebohkan negara bahkan dunia. Semua itu akan dikenang suatu masa nanti sebagai catatan penting sejarah Malaysia untuk generasi mendatang seperti mana buku “Face Off: A Malaysian Reformasi Diary (1998-99)” oleh Sabri Zain dan “Patah Balek: Catatan Terpenting Reformasi” oleh Fathi Aris Omar yang mengisahkan catatan seputar awal reformasi dan tahun-tahun seterusnya.

Bersih pertama

Saya mempunyai ikatan personal yang kuat dengan Bersih melalui aksi pertama mereka pada November 2007 di mana saya telah membantu sedikit sebanyak belakang tabir setelah diundang bekerja sukarela oleh Faisal Mustaffa yang pada waktu itu aktif sebagai jawatankuasa. Kesan pertama, pengalaman bergiat dengan Bersih mempertemukan saya dengan rakyat Malaysia berbilang kaum dan agama yang cintakan negara dan di sini tiada sosok yang masih bermimpi bahawa negara ini milik Melayu dan Islam sahaja.

Pada aksi Bersih pertama saya terperangkap di Masjid Jamek setelah disembur gas pemedih mata dan air kimia dan kemudian berkumpul semula di Jalan Raja Laut sebelum berarak ke Istana Negara melaui Jalan Kuching dan Jalan Kinabalu dan malangnya disambut rakyat yang sedang bersurai setelah berjaya menghantar memorandum kepada Agong. Aksi pertama menurut saya dihadiri majoriti pendukung parti PAS dan PKR dan hanya sebahagian kecil bukan Melayu. Impak Bersih pertama yang boleh diukur adalah tumbangnya Barisan Nasional di 4 buah negeri dan hilangnya 2/3 majoriti mereka di parlimen buat pertama kali dalam sejarah.

Bersih 2.0

Kemenangan parti pembangkang (kemudian dinamakan Pakatan Rakyat) di Selangor dan Pulau Pinang serta Kuala Lumpur yang beragam kaum dan agama masyarakatnya telah merubah dinamik politik di Malaysia apabila kesedaran kelas menengah dan urban terhadap hak-hak sebagai rakyat dan tuntutan kepada perubahan dan penambahbaikan negara semakin lantang. Menariknya kelantangan ini merentas 3 kaum utama yang ada di Malaysia iaitu; Melayu, Cina dan India dan pada saya dipicu oleh damainya perubahan yang terjadi di 2 negeri tersebut tanpa melalui pergaduhan dan pertumpahan darah antara kaum. Mudah kata momok 13 Mei berjaya dilepasi dan kesempatan ini dimanfaatkan semaksimum mungkin untuk menggerakkan perubahan.

Tidak seperti jawatankuasa Bersih pertama yang didominasi ahli-ahli politik pembangkang, Bersih 2.0 berubah sifat apabila pemimpin-pemimpin NGO mengambil alih peranan yang pastinya mengundang pro dan kontra dari dalaman masyarakat sivil dan Pakatan Rakyat. Meskipun begitu faktanya siapa pun yang mengetuai, Umno Barisan Nasional tetap akan menganggap sebarang bentuk perlawanan sebagai musuh mereka bahkan musuh negara yang perlu dibanteras dengan apa cara sekalipun.

Tidak menghairankan apabila respon kerajaan terhadap Bersih 2.0 sangat di luar dugaan dengan tangkapan-tangkapan awal terhadap aktivis, rampasan baju kuning Bersih, tuduhan komunis sehingga teman seaktivis dari Korea Selatan terpaksa dihantar pulang dan aksi menutup bandaraya Kuala Lumpur. Seperti diramal aksi berakhir dengan keganasan dari pihak polis terhadap peserta. Meski semua itu, hasil mahal yang diperolehi dari aksi kedua adalah kemajmukan rakyat yang sanggup dan berani turun melepasi segala halangan yang dipasang polis menuju pusat kota. (more…)

Malaysiakini

Tindakan melanggar penghadang polis di persimpangan Jalan Raja dan Jalan Raja Laut semasa perhimpunan BERSIH Sabtu lalu tidak menyalahi larangan mahkamah, kata Ketua Jawatankuasa Perlembagaan Majlis Peguam Syahredzan Johan.

Syahredzan berkata, arahan mahkamah hanya melarang orang awam daripada memasuki Dataran Merdeka dan bukan jalan sekitarnya.

“Saya rasa ia perangkap. Mereka pasang penghadang di kawasan berdekatan Kelab Diraja Selangor dan Jalan Raja walaupun tempat itu bukan dikira sebahagian daripada Dataran.

“Tetapi apa yang tidak boleh dilanggar? Arahan mahkamah apa? Arahan mahkamah hanya menyebut kamu tidak boleh melanggar ke Dataran, bukan penghadang,” katanya dalam forum analisis pasca-BERSIH 3.0 di Kuala Lumpur malam tadi.

[Baca berita penuh]

Malaysiakini

The state-owned media has once again moved to portray peaceful protesters who were victims during Bersih 3.0 as villains, says Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim.

This, he said in a statement today, is the typical characteristic of an authoritarian government.

“It is classic statecraft of authoritarian regimes using the state-controlled media to turn the masses who are victims of oppression and brutality into criminals,” said Anwar (right).

“I bear witness to the political awakening of the rakyat as I marched with them from Masjid Negara.

“The atmosphere was one of enlightenment, rejuvenation and hope. It was an exemplary conduct of a peaceful assembly; a celebration of freedom and unity in the truest sense.”

Describing the government’s crackdown on Bersih 3.0 as an “utter disappointment”, the de facto Pakatan leader said the rally was to sent a message that the political legitimacy of any government in future can only be attained through a genuine democratic process.

“The women, youth and men of all races and ages who came down in full force were encouraged by a sense of justice to demand liberation from usurpers.

“We shall not be intimidated by continuous lies spawned by the state media. We have a much more potent and effective media in our hands as the 300,000 rakyat carry the messages of Bersih 3.0 and liberation to every corner of the nation,” he added.

From SBS.COM

Senator Nick Xenophon among crowds under teargas fire by police at thousands of people rally for electoral reforms in Malaysia’s capital.

Independent Senator Nick Xenophon has had teargas fired in his direction during a demonstration for electoral reforms in central Kuala Lumpur.

Tens of thousands of demonstrators swamped the Malaysian capital on Saturday to demand the reforms, ahead of national polls expected soon.

Senator Xenophon, who is in Kuala Lumpur on an international fact-finding mission on election processes in Malaysia, was among the crowds when police fired teargas and chemical-laced water at demonstrators.

Until then it had been a peaceful rally that had included chanting and a speech by Malaysia’s opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, Senator Xenophon told AAP by telephone.

“The police have just let off canister after canister of teargas,” he said soon after the demonstration was broken up.

“People have been injured. People are fainting.”

Those targeted included the opposition leader’s daughter, Iman Anwar, 22.

She believes police who recognised her deliberately fired a canister in her direction.

Accompanied by one of her father’s bodyguards, she ran to a nearby mosque to seek shelter.

“But they were still shooting at us, so we decided to walk in another direction,” she said.

The demonstrators had defied a lockdown of central Kuala Lumpur that left it a maze of razor wire and barricades.

“This is a country that the Australian government is happy to do refugee swaps with,” Senator Xenophon said.

“It raises serious questions over how authoritarian it is.”

Saturday’s rally was one of Malaysia’s biggest street rallies in recent years, reflecting concerns that Prime Minister Najib Razak’s ruling coalition – which has held power for more than 50 years – will have an unfair upper hand in elections that could be called as early as June.

Activists have alleged that the election commission is biased and claimed that voter registration lists are tainted with fraudulent voters.

Senator Xenophon is one of two Australian delegates taking part in the fact-finding mission.

The other delegates are from Germany, India, Pakistan, the Philippines, Thailand, South Africa, Turkey and Tunisia.

The group were invited to Kuala Lumpur by Mr Anwar.

Harakah

Ketika ratusan ribu rakan-rakan mereka berkumpul di Kuala Lumpur, beribu-ribu penyokong agenda Bersih juga berkumpul di tempat-tempat lain seluruh dunia.

Khamis lepas, berpuluh-puluh penyokong Bersih 3.0 melancarkan kempen mereka lebih awal iaitu di dua kota suci umat Islam, Makkah dan Madinah.

Hari ini perhimpunan itu dilaporkan berlangsung di 30 bandaraya.

Di Sydney, Australia, lebih 100 orang berkumpul bagi menuntut pilihan raya yang bersih dan adil di Malaysia.
(Perhimpunan di Masjid Nabawi, Madinah beberapa hari lalu)
Di Melbourne, Australia, peserta perhimpunan di Federal Square mencecah 750 orang, lapor tweet terkini Bersih Oz Twitter.

Perhimpunan itu bermula kira-kira jam 9 pagi waktu tempatan dengan kira-kira 30 orang membawa plakad menyokong pilihan raya bebas dan adil serta menyanyikan lagu ‘Negara Ku’.

Menjelang tengah hari, semakin ramai menyertai perhimpunan tersebut, dengan topeng Ambiga diedarkan untuk dipakai oleh para peserta.

“Topeng Ambiga kini diedarkan, kita semua Ambiga!” tulis satu tweet. Semasa di Perth, Australia,

(Himpunan Bersih 3.0 di Kota Kinabalu)

150 rakyat Malaysia dilaporkan berkumpul di hadapan menyanyi konsulat Malaysia, manakala 300 lagi berhimpun di Dewan Bandaran Sydney sekitar jam 2 petang.

Di Adelaide, kira-kira 150 orang menyertai perhimpunan menyokong BERSIH di bandar tersebut. Sementara itu di New Zealand, perhimpunan dilaporkan bermula di Christchurch, di Universiti Canterbury sekitar jam 10.30 pagi waktu tempatan.

Di Seoul, kira-kira 30 rakyat Malaysia mengadakan perhimpunan itu serentak dengan di Malaysia yang berdepan dengan tembakan gas pemedih mata dan meriam air.

“Kami menuntut pilihan raya yang bebas dan adil. Bebaskan semua tahanan,” laung peserta perhimpunan itu di persimpangan Gwanghwamun di tengah-tengah bandaraya Seoul (kiri)

(Perhimpunan Bersih 3.0 di Kucing)

Memakai baju-T kuning, mereka – kebanyakannya pelajar Malaysia dan pekerja yang tinggal di ibu negara Korea Selatan itu – membawa kain rentang dan bergilir-gilir menyampaikan ucapan menuntut pembaharuan pilihan raya di Malaysia.

Selain, penyokong Bersih juga berhimpun di Kota Kinabalu, Sabah. Begitu juga di Kucing, mereka juga berhimpun di sana.

Malaysiakini

Ketua Pembangkang Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim menyelar tindakan sekumpulan lelaki yang menyerang pelajar di tapak khemah di Dataran Merdeka, Kuala Lumpur dalam kejadian awal pagi semalam.

Katanya, kumpulan lelaki ‘samseng’ tersebut hanya ingin menyerang menggunakan fizikal tetapi enggan menggunakan akal untuk berhujah dalam isu yang dibangkitkan pelajar berkenaan.

“Bila ajak untuk berdebat tak nak. Tapi guna kekerasan dia untuk pukul orang,” katanya.

Beliau berkata demikian ketika berucap di hadapan kira-kira 500 orang yang hadir termasuk aktivis dan mahasiswa yang berkampung di lokasi bersejarah itu, malam tadi.

Anwar turut mengulangi janji bahawa akan Pakatan Rakyat akan memansuhkan Pendidikan Tabung Pendikan Tinggi Nasional (PTPTN) sekiranya berjaya menawan Putrajaya pada pilihan raya umum akan datang.

Tambahnya, kerajaan kini tidak memberi keutamaan kepada rakyat sedangkan mampu memberikan pendidikan percuma dan memansuhkan PTPTN.

“Kerajaan ada daya untuk laksanakan pendidikan percuma dan mansuh PTPTN. Cuma sekarang ini yang menjadi keutamaan negara bukan rakyat tetapi poket menteri-menteri,” katanya.

Anwar turut ditanya berhubung dakwaan mantan perdana menteri Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, bahawa beliau merupakan salah seorang yang meluluskan penubuhan PTPTN pada 1997.

Katanya, isu utama dalam hal tersebut ialah soal memberi pendidikan kepada anak golongan miskin.

Jelasnya, bagi golongan yang sudah kaya, isu PTPTN bukan satu masalah besar buat mereka.

“Untuk seorang yang maha kaya, anak-anak bukan isu. Bagi anak orang miskin, itu (PTPTN) isu. Tugas saya ialah menjaga keseluruhan rakyat. Bukan anak-anak bilionair dan taukeh.

“Saya ingin tegaskan yang bilionair tidak akan faham,” katanya kepada Malaysiakini.

Anwar hadir pada kira-kira jam 10.40 malam dengan memakai topi dengan slogan BERSIH bagi memberi sokongan terhadap tindakan mahasiswa dan aktivis yang berkampung di Dataran Merdeka sejak enam hari lalu.

Beliau turut melawat tapak perkhemahan siswa berkenaan dan menurunkan tanda tangan pada kain rentang pelajar itu sebagai tanda sokongannya.

Turut hadir ialah timbalan presiden PKR, Mohd Azmin Ali dan ketua Pemuda PAS, Nasaruddin Hasan.

Malaysia Chronicle

My dear Tun Dr Mahathir

I’m at a loss as to whether you are hallucinating or failing to see the reality.

Your views on Penang and Selangor are misconceived and misplaced. You come across as a dishonest politician determined to score political points and mislead Malaysian voters. You do no credit to yourself nor do you live up to your reputation as an elder statesman (Bernama, 29 January 2012).

Your statement, “They have already been given a lot of chances. A lot of unhappy things have happened in Penang, the same (is happening) in Selangor,” does not make any sense at all. “They have been given a lot of chances”, you unreasonably claim.

Pakatan only came to power on March 8, 2008. They have been in office only for four short years. What chances were given to them and who gave them those chances? What are you talking about? What miracles were you expecting them to perform in this short period of time?

Compare their short term of office to the Barisan Nasional’s nearly 55 years of tenure – truthfully and honestly. We can justifiably throw back at the BN the very words you had uttered: “They (BN) have already been given a lot of chances. A lot of unhappy things have happened in Penang, the same (is happening) in Selangor.” This is indeed a valid observation requiring an honest answer from you, dear Tun.

More than half a century

Indeed, 55 years is a very long time. It is more than half a century. The BN have been given all the chances it wanted and needed. But what have the BN achieved during their long tenure in office except undermining our unity and keeping the people apart? Our unity has been destroyed by senseless and thoughtless policies and statements without a care for the welfare of the majority of Malaysians who are peace-loving and poor.

Yes, Tun, if anybody had been given too much chance it is the BN. Indeed, what more can the BN do which they had failed to do during these 55 years? What miracles can the BN now perform to transform this country into a haven for all citizens and provide them with a dignified livelihood?

What do you actually mean by claiming, “They have been given the chance. What’s there left to try. If we allow the situation to deteriorate badly, it will be difficult to repair.”

Your rambling statement, “If we allow the situation to deteriorate badly, it will be difficult to repair” comes across as ridiculous and garrulous. What has the Pakatan done that has brought about the deterioration? What is that they are doing that would render the problem beyond repair? Please be specific and enumerate the wrongdoings of the Pakatan.

Don’t make statements you can’t back up

Tun, you should not make sweeping claims that are without merit. Many Malaysians are truly disappointed and disillusioned with you and justifiably feel that you have out-lived your usefulness as a political leader. You had your time and you did things the way you wanted to. That period is over and done with. There is nothing more for you to do.

Both Penang and Selangor have attracted the biggest FDI totalling more than RM15bn, which is unmatched by the BN-controlled states. Doesn’t this indicate positively that the Pakatan-controlled states are performing very much better in spite of their short term of tenure and lack of administrative experience and expertise? Honestly, dear Tun, doesn’t that deserve some praise?

You kept everything under wraps and resorted to the Official Secrets Act (OSA) to deny citizens their right to be informed. A lot of scandals and corruption prevailed because they are kept from the purview of public scrutiny and guarded as state secrets.

The Pakatan-controlled states in Selangor and Penang, on the other hand, have promulgated a Freedom of Information Act in order to be transparent and accountable. Tun, isn’t this something that has to be complimented?

Cronies and corruption

Under your tenure for 22 years, many crony politicians became wealthy beyond imagination and without being accountable for their wealth. Elected representatives and cabinet ministers declared their assets only to you and, according to certain well-informed circles, you had used this information to secure their unquestioning loyalty. That was how you had your way – it was your way and no other way!

We are reminded of the episode concerning the removal of Osman Aroff, the then Menteri Besar of Kedah, who had enjoyed the support of the majority of assembly members in Kedah. These assembly members went to see you, dear Tun, to plead for the retention of their MB. You, reportedly saw them individually and after that they all returned to Kedah abandoning Osman Aroff. Rumour had it then that you had a file on each of them and that forced them to fall in line behind you.

Dear Tun, Pakatan-controlled states of Selangor and Penang did something that you wouldn’t dare dream of doing. All their Exco members declared their assets publically. This is something that civil society of Malaysia has been campaigning for, for a very long time, claiming that this would curb corruption and check abuse of governance.

But you would not be persuaded. You wanted to be the sole privy to the corruption and abuse so that you would have absolute control over politicians holding public positions.

Many Malaysians, in the past, have worked loyally and faithfully and had contributed to the progress of this country. These old timers who retired many years ago are forced to struggle to live a hard life with their meagre pensions in these times of hardships. Their counterparts of modern times, on the other hand, draw reasonable pensions to lead a decent life. The hardships suffered by these senior citizens have not been addressed. Their contributions were not even acknowledged.

But the Pakatan government in Penang has been giving out RM100 once a year for the last three years to express their appreciation to these senior citizens. Admittedly, this isn’t very much but the very thought of appreciation really warms the hearts of these people. With the vast resources available to the BN, they are placed in a far better situation to do more to help these unfortunate people. But why, dear Tun, did the BN government not bother doing this? They could have shown a generous face and given more to these people with all the wealth at their disposal. But they did nothing!

Corruption has become so rampant that so much of our wealth is either lost or stolen to the detriment of the nation. Contracts given to crony companies with inflated costs have drained our wealth. Highway toll agreements, the Tajuddin-Malaysia Airlines out-of-court settlement, the rescue of Bank Rakyat and Bank Bumiputra, the reckless forex fiasco in the UK, the bungling Maminco tin-buying spree, to name a few – they have all resulted in the loss of billions of ringgit that could have alleviated the plight of the poor. These are, unfortunately, dear Tun, your legacies that brought terrible hardships for the homeless and the helpless.

Uplifting the people

You wouldn’t have open tenders for projects that would have saved billions of ringgit and secured the services of contractors with ability and proven expertise. That would have prevented some contractors from running away without completing their projects and ensured that buildings wouldn’t collapse because of poor workmanship and inferior materials. But repeated episodes of cheating contractors and uncompleted projects did not seem to disturb the conscience of those in charge. It was business as usual and billions of ringgit were regularly squandered without a care in the world.

On the other hand, now we have open tenders in the Pakatan states and Class F contractors are very happy and contented with this arrangement. According to these contractors, under the previous BN government, one had to have connections to get a contract and one had to give inducements to be considered favourably. Otherwise, getting contracts would have been impossible. But now, with open tenders, the deserving have been rewarded with contracts and they have delivered the completed projects on time. Isn’t this something that has to be appreciated, dear Tun?

Malaysian workers have been struggling for years for a minimum wage policy. The Malaysian Trades Union Congress (MTUC) has been championing this issue for decades. But it was opposed vehemently by the Malaysian Employers Federation, which wanted to reap hefty profits from the sweat of the workers. And the Malaysian government did not have the political will to implement the minimum wage policy. Thus we lost our local skilled workers and builders who left the country to work elsewhere. But the exploitation continues to this day with the employment of foreign workers.

Isn’t it praiseworthy that the Pakatan government in Selangor has implemented a minimum wage policy for all its employees in GLCs as from January this year? They are paid a minimum salary of RM1,500. Shouldn’t the employees enjoy the fruit of their labour, dear Tun?

Farmers in the new villages of Perak who have been tilling the land and growing vegetables and fruit for the country for generations were exploited and kept in a state of uncertainty as to their livelihood as they did not own the land. Every election this became a moot point for the farmers. Whether their TOL would be extended or cancelled was a worrying experience for these farmers. And when the BN wins the election in Perak, the TOL of these farmers would be renewed. The message was very clear. Vote for the BN or your TOL would not be renewed. They were beholden to the BN for the extension of their TOL.

The Pakatan government gave them the land titles and their dignity and freed them from their unnecessary anxiety. The rational was these farmers have been on the land for generations and have been serving the nation with their produce and they deserved the land titles. Isn’t this something wonderful that deserves to be congratulated, dear Tun?

Every voter who dies in Penang and Selangor is given RM1,000 and RM2,500 respectively for funeral expenses. This assistance is greatly appreciated, especially by the poor. For the first time a voter receives something very specific and substantial when he or she dies. This had never happened under BN rule. They bribe the living for their vote and forget them when they are dead. Under the Pakatan rule they take care of the living and the dead! Don’t they deserve a pat on their back, dear Tun?

All this caring and giving must make a great impact on the people. If given more time there will be other good policies that will benefit the people and perhaps make it difficult for the BN to make any headway in the future. Is that what is worrying you, dear Tun? Is this what you meant when you sounded the warning to the BN, “If we allow the situation to deteriorate, it will be difficult to repair”?

You have correctly foreseen the inevitable doom for the BN. You have realised that it will be difficult to undo the good deeds of the Pakatan. In comparison, the BN will be cast in poor light and cursed for neglecting the majority of the deserving Malaysians who are poor. You are seeing what is impending and you have the right to fear the inevitable, dear Tun!

By P Ramakrishnan Former president of Aliran