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28 April 2013

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30 April 2013 (Selasa)

1) 3.00 ptg – Sepetang Bersama Anwar Ibrahim

Lokasi: Pekan Tanjong Ipoh, Seri Menanti

2) 4.30 ptg – Sepetang Bersama Anwar Ibrahim

Lokasi: Bilik Gerakan PR Simpang Pertang

3) 6.00 ptg – Sepetang Bersama Anwar Ibrahim

Lokasi: Dataran Niaga, Palong 8, Gemas

4) 7.15 mlm – Masjid Nurul Huda Jelai 3

5) 8.00 mlm – Jamuan Bersama Rakyat

Lokasi: Bilik Gerakan PR Felda Jelai 3, Gemas

6) 9.30 mlm– Ceramah Perdana Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

Lokasi: Bilik Gerakan PR Rembau, Pekan Chembong,

Rembau

7) 11.00 mlm – Ceramah Perdana Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

Lokasi: Betaria Business Centre, Jln Dato’ Siamang,

Gagap, Seremban

27 April 2013

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28 April 2013 (Ahad)

1) 9.00 Mlm – Tapak Pasar Malam Paya Jaras
Sungai Buloh, Selangor (P- Subang)

2) 11.00 mlm – Jalan 26/56, Keramat Wangsa,
Kuala Lumpur (P – Setiawangsa)

27 April 2013

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KPRU

Think tank Political Studies for Change (KPRU) predicts that UMNO will lose a lot of Parliamentary seats currently contested for 5th May 2013 just as MCA lost their seats on the 8th of May 2008.

KPRU made these predictions based on several factors. The first factor relates closely to the fall in Barisan Nasional (BN) President, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak’s popularity as opposed to the steady rise of Pakatan Rakyat (PAKATAN)’s leader, Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

A survey conducted by University Malaya Centre for Democracy and Elections (Umcedel) found that that Najib’s qualification to hold the reign as a Prime Minister has fallen in which only 39 percent of respondents believes Najib deserves to be the Prime Minister as opposed to Anwar Ibrahim which gained as much as 43 percent on the same survey. This is a fall of 4 percent from the survey conducted in early 2013. This is in line with the increase of trust in PAKATAN to become the new government post 13th General Election (GE13).

Just as MCA lost its support significantly during the 2008 General Election, UMNO has lost its support significantly during 2013 General Election. And for that, BN’s campaign strategy for an individual known as Najib is to portray him as a good leader even though he has no courage to face Anwar Ibrahim in a debate on policies and each other’s manifestos while broadcasted live through the television.

The second factor is the failure of the 1Malaysia to raise the living standards of Malaysians. Najib announced that the poverty rate have fallen to a mere 1.7 percent. Yet, it is predicted that the real number of the poverty rate in Malaysia is actually 19 percent, taking into account the household income and the 2009 Basic Amenities Survey Report by the Malaysian Statistics Department. At the same time, the BN government had to spend as much as RM3 billion for the 1Malaysia People’s Assistance (BR1M). Also to be noted is the 60 percent of public servants are financially incapable to purchase a house as well as the failure of the First Home Scheme that failed to assist the young adults to purchase their first homes.

The 1Malaysia brand is also seen as a failure of Najib’s when approximately 250 1Malaysia People’s Shop (KR1M) is opened all across the country to provide cheap items to Malaysians. Najib also plans to open another 57 KR1M shops across the country. This also means the Malaysians are financially incapacitated to purchase quality products at affordable prices as BN has to open more sundry shops that sell cheap items at lower prices at supermarkets such as Giant, Aeon and 99 Speedmart.

The third factor is the individual called Anwar Ibrahim whom has a better reputation that Najib in terms of the ability to administer this country’s finances and new policies could bring about reforms in line with contemporary demands.

In 2007, Malaysia’s debt was RM267 billion. In 2013, the debt have jumped to RM502 billion. During Anwar Ibrahim’s tenure as Finance Minister, the country’s deficit was actually turned into surpluses as with in 1998 before he was fired, Malaysia gained a 2.4 percent in surpluses. This surplus then became deficit right after Anwar was fired from his position. This as opposed to the deficit rate under Najib that shot up to 5.4 percent in 2010.

As for Malaysia’s workforce, Najib also failed to raise the number of skilled employees in this country considering the fact that 80 percent of workforce in this country is only armed with a Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia (SPM) certificate. Also to be noted is that Anwar Ibrahim has a better reputation in the eyes of the public. An example of this situation are the Indians having no interest whatsoever in the Anwar Ibrahim’s personal life and views the sex scandal towards Anwar as a mere dirty political trick of UMNO’s. Coming back to Najib’s reputation, the government’s decision under the guise of the Public Prosecutors’ Office, the sex trial against Anwar actually stains Najib and his administration as a cheap and dirty political tactic.

Indians are not the only one to not care about Anwar Ibrahim’s personal life. According to the survey conducted by Umcedel, 54 percent of Malay respondents concurred that Anwar deserves more to become a Prime Minister as opposed to Najib who only gained 28 percent in the same question.

The fourth factor that will influence the results of GE13 are Najib’s weak policies and his inability to have a stand firm on his decisions. This follows the sample of 10 failed policies of Najib’s administration as reported by KPRU[1] prior to this. Amongst the failed 10 policies of Najib include the Lynas controversy, the failed share swap between Malaysia Airlines and Air Asia to the failed Public Service New Remuneration Scheme (SBPA) after rejections made by the public sector.

The fifth factor is the scandals that continue to haunt Najib and his administration. Amongst the list of scandals are the Scorpene scandal, Altantuya, his excessive retaliation against the participants of the Bersih 2.0 and Bersih 3.0 demonstration, the National Feedlot Center (NFC) scandal, the failure of his administration to deal with the Lahad Datu intrusion swiftly and effectively, the sodomy trial scandal against Anwar Ibrahim, the crony scandal of the AES, the 1Malaysia crony scandal, the scandal involving the Chief Minister of Sarawak and the inability of Najib’s administration to deal with it, his failure to act against the scandal involving a Minister in the Prime Minister’s Office, Nazri Aziz, the scandal involving Najib’s wife Datin Paduka Seri Rosmah binti Mansor and the RM24 million ring, the scandal of Pertubuhan Pribumi Perkasa Malaysa, (Perkasa) protection and given approval for it racist tendencies, and the current failure of Najib’s administration to address the increasingly prevalent and growing danger of political violence.

Following these scandals, the people get a picture that corruption that is supposedly being actively eradicated by Najib is actually being encouraged by Najib. It would seem that Najib would rather protect his cronies than to help the people to escape debt and poverty.

This situation can be more clearly demonstrated by the graph made from the survey conducted b the non-governmental organisation, Merdeka Center that maps the percentage of support towards Najib since he heralded the position as Prime Minister until 2013.

graf1

*Graph taken from Merdeka Center

Graph 1 shows that since April 2012, the people’s confidence in Najib’s performance as Prime Minister continuously decreases and this is recompensed with the slow but steady rise in dissatisfaction of the public towards his performance as Prime Minister. The satisfaction percentage began to fall in December 2011 in which 71 percent dropped continuously till January 2013 in which the percentage was 61 percent. Meanwhile, the dissatisfaction showed a slow and steady increase starting from May 2012 from 23 percent to 32 percent in January 2013.

GE13 sees Najib as being becoming increasingly irrelevant in the public’s eye as according to the five factors mentioned. These five factors will undoubtedly influence the direction of Malaysians to either choose PAKATAN or BN as the new government for the next five years. As according to the above-mentioned information, the chance of PAKATAN to win the GE13 is clearer than BN.

26 April 2013

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Bloomberg

Malaysian businessman Stanley Thai says he’s joining thousands of fellow ethnic Chinese citizens in abandoning support for Prime Minister Najib Razak and voting for the opposition for the first time in elections next month.

“Why are the Chinese against the government — it’s simple,” Thai, 53, owner of medical glove-maker Supermax Corp. (SUCB), said in an interview last month. “We don’t want our children to suffer what we suffered, deprived from education, from career opportunities, from business opportunities.”

Chinese, who make up about a quarter of Malaysia’s population, are growing intolerant of affirmative-action programs for Malays propagated by Najib’s alliance of parties, the most recent national poll indicates. Any mass defection by Chinese voters raises the risk of the ruling coalition’s first election loss since it was formed after 1969 race riots.

The violence of 1969 helped persuade many Chinese to back Barisan Nasional, which Najib has led since 2009, as they accepted racial preferences for Malays as the cost of peace. Thai said thinking changed when the government’s electoral take sank in 2008 with little sign of renewed social unrest. “Everyone said, ‘Wow, the time has come,’” he said.

Now, the opposition, led by Anwar Ibrahim, sees the end of race-based policies that have hindered companies such as Supermax as key to long-term economic growth. Najib counters that his gradual reform of the affirmative-action programs will assure stability and avert a slide in stocks and the ringgit that would accompany any opposition victory.

Vision Contest
“It’s a contest ultimately about visions — do you believe the country is Malay-centered or a state of all its citizens?” said Clive Kessler, emeritus professor at the University of New South Wales in Sydney, who has studied Malaysian politics for half a century. “Najib no longer has adequate non-Malay support,” said Kessler, who estimates the ruling coalition must win about two-thirds of Malay votes to stay in power.

The FTSE Bursa Malaysia KLCI Index (FTSEMIB), which has lagged other Southeast Asian benchmarks this year, gained as much as 0.3 percent as of 11:10 a.m. today, poised to close at a record high. The ringgit was set to advance for a sixth week, its longest rally in more than three years, on speculation further monetary easing in Japan and Europe will boost demand for emerging-market assets.

Anwar’s Group
About half of Malaysia’s 29 million people are Malays, while roughly a quarter have Chinese roots and the rest are mostly ethnic Indians or indigenous groups. One in five ethnic Chinese think the country is headed in the right direction, compared with 75 percent of Malays, according to a February survey by the Merdeka Center for Opinion Research, the most recent available.

In 2008, the ruling 13-party Barisan Nasional coalition won by its slimmest margin since it was formed, with three Chinese parties losing half their parliamentary seats. Anwar’s own multi-racial coalition, which includes a Chinese-majority party and a mostly Malay party that advocates Shariah law in criminal matters, has pledged to eliminate race-based policies to fight corruption.

“What we’re seeing with the implementation of the policy is enormous rent-seeking and patronage and corruption,” said Edmund Terence Gomez, a professor at University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur who edited a book on the affirmative-action program. “The electoral trends clearly indicate that Malaysians are saying they’ve had enough of race-based politics.”

Malay Preferences
In 1969, Malaysia suspended parliament for more than a year after race riots in the wake of a close election killed hundreds of people. Abdul Razak, Najib’s father, then initiated the racial preferences in 1971 as the country’s second prime minister.

The New Economic Policy sought to raise the share of national wealth to at least 30 percent for Malays and indigenous groups known as Bumiputera, or “sons of the soil,” that make up about 60 percent of the population. They got cheaper housing and quotas for college places, government contracts and shares of listed companies.

While Najib has tweaked the policy for publicly traded firms and extended benefits to poorer members of all races, many other elements remain intact. Malaysia favors Bumiputera companies in awarding contracts from the government and state- owned enterprises, the U.S. Trade Representative wrote in a March report.

“We don’t play the racial card — we play a moderate Malaysia, an inclusive Malaysia and we’re talking about power sharing,” Najib said in an April 17 interview. “That’s the kind of storyboard that we are trying to convince the Malaysian Chinese.”

College Rejection
Thai, whose father fled China in 1949 during the Communist takeover, is dubious. After growing up on a farm with 13 siblings in Johor, which borders Singapore, he failed to gain entry to a university where Malays received priority and moved to Canada to get a college degree. On his return, he built a business aimed at exporting rubber gloves to avoid restrictions on selling within Malaysia.

Supermax, the nation’s third-largest medical glove-maker, now exports 24 billion gloves a year, said Thai, whose holdings in the company are worth about $93 million. For years he and other Chinese entrepreneurs were wary of publicly speaking out about corruption in the 42-year-old affirmative action program due to concerns of reprisals.

Fear Factor
“We have been brainwashed from Day 1,” Thai said. “We were born and bred with fear and threats by our own government.”

Mahathir Mohamad, who ruled from 1981 to 2003 and was Malaysia’s longest-serving leader, alluded to those fears in a blog post this month urging Chinese voters in Johor to back the government. An opposition win would undermine the racial balance the Barisan Nasional aimed to achieve, he wrote.

“An unhealthy racial confrontation would replace Sino- Malay cooperation which has made Malaysia stable and prosperous,” Mahathir wrote.

Najib said in last week’s interview that his pursuit of gradual change would avoid the upheaval that engulfed the Middle East after longstanding governments collapsed. An opposition win could trigger “catastrophic ruin” that would cause stocks and the currency to plunge, he warned.

‘Still Complaining’
Chinese parties in Barisan Nasional are urging voters to stick with the government to promote social justice and warning that the Malay parties in the opposition will seek to impose Islamic laws. Malays and other indigenous groups owned 22 percent of share capital at limited companies in 2008, compared with 35 percent for Chinese, according to the most recent government statistics.

“The Chinese feel that the government has not done enough for them, but the same can be said of the Indians and the Malays,” said Wilfred Yap, an official with the Chinese- majority Sarawak United People’s Party, which is part of Najib’s coalition. “They are still complaining that the Chinese still control a big chunk of the economy,” he said, referring to the Malay and Indian populations.

Meantime, Anwar’s alliance is emulating Barisan Nasional’s original formula by promoting policies that seek to unite races and religions, according to Liew Chin Tong, a lawmaker with the Chinese-majority Democratic Action Party, one of three in the opposition coalition.

“They are suffering now because they are now only focusing on the Malay votes,” Liew said in an interview last month, referring to the government. “With Mahathir playing the racist card, they are speaking to only the Malay audience in the hope to push the Malay vote up to 65 percent.”

26 April 2013

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Malaysia Chronicle

Malaysia’s 13th General Elections on May 5 will be the most important — and the most hard-fought — in Malaysian history. The United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and its coalition partners have ruled the nation since its independence in 1957. But now, for the first time in history, the Malaysian opposition is united and strong, and it believes it has a real chance of coming to power.

And also for the first time, UMNO, as well as those who have benefited politically and economically from their connections to the ruling party, fear that the voters might reject their party and the system that have governed the country continuously for over five decades.

Major differences

This is not simply a question of who wins. There are major differences between the ruling party’s and the opposition’s approaches to political and human rights, economic policy, and affirmative action. An opposition victory would bring change in many areas. The opposition promises to shift the focus of the government’s affirmative action programs from a race-based to a needs-based system. It pledges it will crack down on the corruption and crony capitalism that is holding back the country’s economic potential, and open up more political space by easing the restrictions on political freedom.

Fortunately for the United States, there are no appreciable differences in the foreign policies of either side. But what happens on May 5 will have a major impact on Malaysia’s future political and economic direction, and that is why we in the outside world need to pay attention.

No matter who wins, a realignment of Malaysian politics is inevitable. Win or lose, there will be pressures on the current Prime Minister, Najib Tun Razak, to step down. Win or lose, UMNO will have to decide whether to “re-invent” itself, something it failed to do after the last elections in 2008, when it suffered major losses.

If it does decide to change, then the question is whether it will be in the direction of more openness, or whether it is towards appealing to the more chauvinistic Malay elements in its party. If it is the latter, which I believe is more likely, then we can expect to see more racial polarization in the country as well as continued emigration by minorities, and especially college-educated minorities, to Singapore and elsewhere.

Too close to call

The election is too close to call. The ruling party has many structural advantages, including control of the television and radio networks and mainstream press; influence over the election commission and other instruments of state power, such as the police; and access to public monies for political purposes. One academic has estimated that the Najib government has spent almost US $19 billion on election-related incentives over the past four years. That is equivalent to 20% of the Government’s annual budget.

The opposition, led by former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, has the greater political momentum, and the Government is on the defensive for the first time in history. Judging by the turnout at political rallies, opposition enthusiasm is high, and it is making inroads into what used to be safe areas for the ruling party. It has become adept at using the internet and other alternative media to reach voters. But an opposition victory will depend not just on the will of the voters, whatever that might be, but also on ensuring that electoral fraud and intimidation are kept to a minimum.

John R. Malott was the United States Ambassador to Malaysia, 1995-1998. He has written analyses of Malaysia for the Wall Street Journal, Malaysiakini, and the East-West Center.

The above is his speech made at the National Press Club in Washington DC on April 24, 2013.

26 April 2013

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27 & 28 April 2013 (Sabtu & Ahad)

27 April 2013 (Sabtu)

1) 11.00 pagi – Kampong Patau-Patau (P – Labuan)

2) 12.30 tgh – Rumah Dato’ Lajim Ukin, Beaufort

(P – Beaufort / Sipitang)

3) 2.30 ptg – Pdg Rmh Panjang Kg Taningol, Matunggong

(P – Kota Marudu, DUN – Matunggong)

4) 4.00 ptg – Kampong Lominodip (Sebelah SMK Tambulion)

(P-Kota Belud, DUN – Kadamaian)

5) 5.30 ptg – Jalan Kiam Som, Inanam

(P- Sepanggar, DUN – Inanam)

6) 7.00 mlm – Kampong Nossob Baru, Penampang

(P- Penampang , DUN- Api-Api)

28 April 2013 (Ahad)

1) 11.00 pg – Batu 9, Jalan Labuk, Sandakan

(P- Libaran, DUN – Gum-Gum)

2) 12.30 tgh – Pasar Taman Mawar, Batu 5, Sandakan

(P- Batu Sapi, DUN – Sekong)

3) 2.30 ptg – Taman Gembira, Jalan Silam, Lahad Datu

(P- Silam, DUN – Lahad Datu)

4) 4.00 ptg – Jalan Kampong Simunul, Pekan Semporna

(P- Semporna, DUN – Senallang)

5) 5.30 ptg – Pej PKR, Taman Gek Poh, Tawau

(P – Tawau, DUN- Balung & Apas)

26 April 2013

Pendapat

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26 April 2013 (Jumaat)

1) 2.30 ptg – Sepetang Bersama Anwar Ibrahim

Lokasi – Kampong Kabong (P- Saratok)

2) 5.00 ptg – Sepetang Bersama Anwar Ibrahim

Lokasi – Kampong Beladin (P- Batang Lupar)

3) 7.00- 12.00 mlm – Ceramah Perdana Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

Lokasi : Sri Dagang Waterfront Commercial Centre, MIRI

(Depan Klinik Dr Teo)

25 April 2013

Pendapat

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24 April 2013

Pendapat

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24 April 2013 (Rabu)

1) 4.00 ptg – Sepetang Bersama Anwar Ibrahim

Lokasi: Markaz PAS Sungai Tiram, Ulu Tiram, Tebrau

2) 5.30 ptg – Sepetang Bersama Anwar Ibrahim

Lokasi: Padang Jalan Padi Malinja 6,

Taman Bandar Baru UDA, Johor Bahru

3) 7.30 mlm – Solat & Kuliah Maghrib

Lokasi : Dataran KeADILan, KM 18 Parit Haji Salleh Ros

Jalan Kluang-Batu Pahat

4) 9.00 mlm – Ceramah Perdana Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

Lokasi: Taman Bistari, Parit Botak, Senggarang, Batu Pahat

5) 11.00 mlm – Ceramah Perdana Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

Lokasi : Padang Besar, Kampong Abdullah, Segamat

23 April 2013

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  23 April 2013 (Selasa)

7.45 mlm – Ceramah Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

        Lokasi: Pej Cbg Alor Gajah, Taman Sri Pelangi, Rembia

   8.45 mlm – Ceramah Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

       Lokasi: Bilek Gerakan DUN Gadek, Pekan Gadek,        

            

    9.45 mlm – Ceramah Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

       Lokasi: Bilek Gerakan Felda Hutan Percha, Macap

    10.45 mlm – Ceramah Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

        Lokasi: Dataran Hamas, Kelubi, Jasin

    11.30 mlm –  Ceramah Perdana Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

        Lokasi : Pdg Bolasepak, Tmn Dato’ Thamby Cik Karim,

                   Batu Berendam

23 April 2013

Pendapat

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21 April 2013

Pendapat

Pendapat Anda?

24 April 2013 (Rabu)

1) 4.00 ptg – Sepetang Bersama Anwar Ibrahim

Lokasi: Markaz PAS Sungai Tiram, Ulu Tiram, Tebrau

2) 5.30 ptg – Sepetang Bersama Anwar Ibrahim

Lokasi: Padang Jalan Padi Malinja 6,

Taman Bandar Baru UDA, Johor Bahru

3) 7.30 mlm – Solat & Kuliah Maghrib

Lokasi : Dataran KeADILan, KM 18 Parit Haji Salleh Ros

Jalan Kluang-Batu Pahat

4) 9.00 mlm – Ceramah Perdana Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

Lokasi: Taman Bistari, Parit Botak, Senggarang, Batu Pahat

5) 11.00 mlm – Ceramah Perdana Pakatan Harapan Rakyat

Lokasi : Padang Besar, Kampong Abdullah, Segamat

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