Tan Sri Abdul Kadir Sheikh Fadzir told a press conference that Umno must “stop and abolish the despicable and disgusting acts of bribery and corruption.”

“This includes the political corruption whereby one has to pay money to his own fellow party members to be elected to various posts in Umno, including the top posts.

“If you give, it’s wrong. If you don’t, you lose. So it becomes widely accepted culture, so even leaders in top positions have to do it if not you lose,” the former Umno supreme council member said.

He cited as an example influential former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad who was unable to be elected as a delegate to the party general assembly after ending his 22 years as Umno president.

“Dr Mahathir has shed tears in his opening address at the general assembly, begging leaders not to buy votes. Can you imagine later he could not even win as a delegate?” Abdul Kadir said, adding he has never used money to win positions in the party.

The former information minister made headlines last month when he accused the ruling coalition of handing out RM200 to RM1,000 to win previous elections but said he personally did not use the strategy known as “bomb”.

He also repeated today that BN should “stop the ugly and primitive practice of bribing the rakyat… whether directly or indirectly, in order to win elections.”

Abdul Kadir, who was also a former culture, arts and tourism minister, told reporters today that he has been told that Umno’s disciplinary committee has been asked to investigate his comments although he has not received any formal notice.

“There is no need to investigate me because I will be sending them the full texts of the said interviews which are not edited in any way,” he said.

He said in his defence that Umno president Datuk Seri Najib Razak and other leaders “have gone around the country shouting we must change, otherwise we will be changed.”

“The question is what are those bad habits that need to be change of which the rakyat is so angry about?”

Abdul Kadir is now treasurer of Kulim Bandar Baharu Umno and deputy president of non-partisan pro-unity NGO Angkatan Amanah Merdeka (Amanah).

The next General Election, the 13th, is widely expected to be called on paper between May this year and April/May next year when the five-year term of the present Parliament ends. The five-year term of Parliament is calculated from the first day of the first sitting of the first Parliament for the term/tenure.

Once Parliament is dissolved, elections would have to be held within two months.

However, if Parliament is not dissolved within its five-year term, it stands automatically dissolved at the end of that term. In that case, elections would have to be called within six months. This factor might be playing on Malaysian Prime Minister Mohd Najib Abdul Razak’s mind, desperate as he is to stretch out his term in office.

GE-13 can even be in second-half of 2013!

Najib seems to have come to the conclusion, albeit grudgingly, that there are no guarantees that he will be Prime Minister after GE 13. That may be the sole reason why his wife, Rosmah Majid, is forever off somewhere on shopping sprees if not hunting for a spot in exile at the expense of the people.

Whether Najib will be Opposition Leader and/or allowed to do so by his deputy Muhyiddin Yassin – rooting for a Mahathir dynasty — and Mahathir Mohamad himself is a RM 1.5 billion question.

Najib does not have a mandate of his own.

He continues to shamelessly ride on that obtained by his sacked predecessor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, in 2008. Mahathir was able to get rid of Badawi because the Umno Supreme Council members, corrupt beyond redemption, are in his pocket.

Najib should have obtained his own mandate by now but he fears, as he has never feared before in his cushy life so far, the prospect of testing the electoral waters on his own.

No Prime Minister has been that fearful in the history of the country. Najib just doesn’t have the guts to ignore Mahathir and his (Mahathir’s) Umno Supreme Council and call for the 13th GE and accept like a man whatever is in store for him. Neither has he the foresight to make a deal with the opposition alliance to accept his faction at least into their government-in-the-making and save the political dynasty built by his late father.

Too risky for BN to call GE-13 now

There are no permanent friends and no permanent enemies in politics, only permanent interests. That doesn’t mean the opposition alliance will accept Mahathir as well unless he agrees to flee the country for good and leave his ill-gotten gains behind.

There’s too much at stake to go for the GE 13 now and even go for it at all, not just for Najib who is not that big a factor, but Umno, the establishment and the entire system which stands at risks of being dismantled and many of its members incarcerated for very long stretches, if not for good.

This is one reason why the Prime Minister declared not so long ago that he can always do what his father, 2nd Prime Minister Abdul Razak, did in the wake of the searing race riots between the non-Malay communities and the Malay-speaking communities in Peninsular Malaysia in 1969. However, Najib was quick to add that he “would not do so”. But why mention it if he has no plans to do so? Was that a veiled threat to vote him back into power or else?

Najib was referring to the declaration of a state of emergency, the shutting down of Parliament, suspension of democracy, the shutting out of the political parties, and the setting up of the National Operations Council under Abdul Razak as Direction of Operations.

Abdul Razak also set up the National Consultative Council, with its members drawn from various walks of life but not the political parties, in lieu of the disbanded Parliament. He chaired the NCC.

Abdul Razak went on to form the Barisan Nasional, a concept which circumscribed the democratic process and denied the majority meaningful participation by endorsing elite power-sharing. The BN which was formed included the opposition parties which had made spectacular gains during the 1969 polls.

Emergency rule and forcing DAP to join BN

It will be a sheer miracle if Najib does not do what his father did in 1969/1970 considering his sudden morbid fear of going to the polls and especially with Mahathir breathing down his neck to achieve the impossible: get back the ruling Barisan Nasional’s (BN) coveted two-thirds majority in Parliament.

There are attempts being made to force the Dap to join the BN.

At the same time, Umno does not seem to reckon with the fact that its legislators will abandon Mahathir for good – notwithstanding his Big Black Book of Everyone’s Sins — and flee in droves to the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) after the 13th GE “in order to buy political protection and avoid a stint behind bars, if not bankruptcy and/or the prospect of being reduced suddenly to abject poverty”.

When that happens, Taib in Sarawak — notwithstanding his and his maternal Uncle Abdul Rahman Yakub’s Big Black Book of Everyone’s Sins — will become an instant turncoat, and will be among the first to fall down on his hands and knees shamelessly in Putrajaya and beg Anwar Ibrahim for forgiveness. Taib will sell anyone, even his recently dead mother whose funeral he didn’t attend, to get what he wants.

The Mahathir factor

Even Mahathir has now concluded that Najib will not be able to win back the two-thirds majority in Parliament, let alone win GE with a simple majority, and is urging that GE be further delayed.

Mahathir’s excuse for the delay is that Najib needs to win back the Chinese. How so? Accept the Dap?

What will Mahathir advise Najib next: declare a state of emergency to force Dap into a corner?

He didn’t mention the Indians who, although not have a single ethnic-majority seat in Malaysia, decide the winners in 67 of the Parliamentary seats in Peninsular Malaysia.

Mahathir also did not mention the need for Taib Mahmud to win back the Chinese in Sarawak. There are seven Chinese parliamentary seats at stake are set to fall to the Pakatan Rakyat (PR), the opposition alliance.

East Malaysia

Sarawak itself would be an unmitigated disaster of sorts considering that the BN is not expected to do any better in Peninsular Malaysia than it did in 2008 and the fact that it cannot repeat its last performance in Sabah.

In the Land Below the Wind, the assessment among the opposition is that it can take 40 seats in the state assembly i.e. 18 non-Muslim Dusun – including Kadazan or urban Dusun and Murut – 16 Muslim seats including Dusun Muslim and eight Chinese seats.

This will translate into at least 20 seats in Parliament and coupled with the seven Chinese Parliamentary seats in neighbouring Sarawak, the opposition alliance will have a rich haul of 27 seats in the next Parliament from Malaysian Borneo. This assumes that the opposition, in a worst case scenario, will not win any Dayak or Malay parliamentary seats in Sarawak.

The spoiler in all this is the Sabah Progressive Party (Sapp) which is determined to go for the 40 state seats – the same seats expected to be won by the opposition — in Sabah.

In return, they are prepared to allow the opposition to contest the other 20 – and unwinnable – state seats at stake in Sabah and also allow them to contest the majority of the 25 Parliament seats in the state. Labuan provides another seat in Parliament.

It’s difficult to get over the feeling that Sapp is in cahoots with Umno to sink the opposition’s chances in Sabah.

Electoral reforms

Najib has previously cited the need for ensuring that electoral reforms are in place before calling for GE 13. We must wonder what is his interpretation and understanding of electoral reforms if not doing something to favour his electoral chances.

The issue of electoral reforms only arose because the opposition pointed out that the electoral process was not free and fair. After the so-called electoral reforms now supposed to be underway, elections will be even less free and fair to the opposition under some cosmetics changes to give some semblance of being even-handed. It’s a numbers game.

Najib had also mentioned not so long ago that he wants his GTP (Government Transformation Programme), ETP (Economic Transformation Programme), KPI (Key Performance Index) to be all in place before elections can be called.

All these are cosmetics and gimmicks on paper. His latest desperate gamble, instead of introducing real reforms, is to keeping throwing public money, but only on paper, at problems to buy voter support: new salaries for the already bloated and underworked civil service of 1.4 million; RM 100 each for school children; RM 500 each for those households earning less than RM 3,000 per month; some measly funds, again on paper, for Hindu temples even as they are demolished, Tamil schools, mission schools, Chinese interests and the like.

Inevitable Umno will lose power

God alone knows where all this is leading in the weeks and months ahead. We should all get down on our hands and knees and start praying for our country.

It’s pay back time for all the evil that has been perpetrated during the last half a century and more of rule by those who stepped into the power vacuum created in the country when the colonial British authorities departed for good.

However, order can only come from chaos. It was Dr Stephen Hawking, the famed University of Cambridge physicist, who reminded us that the only predictable property of the universe is chaos.

Malaysia will not be under Umno and BN forever. The country cannot be an oasis of peace, progress and stability forever given the gross injustices being perpetrated in the country by the powers-that-be.

All things, whether good or bad, – ugly, beautiful or evil – must come to an end one way or other. There’s no escaping karma – the scientific law of cause and effect – which is neutral but is perceived in the human mind as good, bad, ugly, beautiful or evil.

It’s only those who can accept his or her karma that can neutralise it. The same goes for nations and political parties, especially Umno, who has had far too good for the past 55 years.

PKR hari ini menyelar tindakan kerajaan untuk menggunakan RM1.5 bilion daripada dana Kumpulan Wang Simpanan Pekerja (KWSP) bagi membantu mereka yang gagal mendapatkan pinjaman bank bagi membiayai pembelian rumah awam kos rendah.

“Malah bank-bank juga tidak bersedia memberi pinjaman. Apakah yang dilakukan oleh panel pelaburan KWSP?

“Mengapa wang KWSP yang digunakan sebagai wang saku BN?” soal naib presiden PKR Nurul Izzah Anwar (kanan) pada sidang media hari ini.

Sekurang-kurangnya empat bank telah diminta membantu menggubal draf perjanjian pembiayaan, kata Nurul Izzah sambil menyoal mengapa dana KWSP digunakan jika bank komersial sendiri tidak menganggap skim itu sebagai berdaya maju.

“Kita tidak mahu situasi seperti krisis pajak gadai subprima di Amerika Syarikat, di mana peminjam tidak dapat membayar ansuran mereka, jadi KWSP bukan bank (dalam kesusahan),” katanya, sambil mengingatkan bahawa dana KWSP juga telah digunakan untuk membiayai projek transit aliran ringan (LRT).

“Kerajaan tidak boleh membeli undi sesuka hati semata-mata kerana pilihan raya semakin dekat.

“Awak (kerajaan) boleh membantu Projek Perumahan Rakyat (PPR), tetapi jangan gunakan dana KWSP bagi maksud itu,” kata Nurul Izzah yang juga ahli parlimen Lembah Pantai.

Isnin lalu, Menteri Wilayah Persekutuan dan Kesejahteraan Bandar, Datuk Seri Raja Nong Chik Zainal Abidin dilapor mengumumkan “skim pembiayaan mudah” untuk 20,000 penyewa PPR yang layak dan bakal pembeli yang tidak layak mendapatkan pinjaman bank.

Ketua Penerangan DAP Tony Pua juga menyelar tindakan itu dengan mengatakan bahawa peranan KWSP adalah memastikan pencarum mempunyai simpanan yang mencukupi apabila mereka bersara kelak.

Kedua-dua mereka, Pua dan Nurul Izzah mencadangkan Bank Rakyat dan Malaysia Building Society Bhd mengambil-alih tanggungjawab itu.

Budaya debat antara pemimpin selaras dengan tuntutan al-Quran dan menjadi tradisi kepimpinan silam tamadun dunia, kata Ketua Penerangan KEADILAN, Dr Muhammad Nur Manuty.

Sambil memetik Surah An-Nahl: 125, beliau berkata budaya itu lumrah ilmuan dan kepimpinan silam kerana kebenaran akan lebih terserlah dan pandangan baru dapat dicerna demi kepentingan negara dan rakyat.

“Lebih penting, rakyat diberi peluang menilai secara empirikal dan adil akan ketrampilan dan keikhlasan kepimpinan yang diberi amanah mengurus negara pada masa depan.

“Inilah demokrasi sebenar yang dituntut oleh rakyat,” katanya pada kenyataan media, hari ini.

Dr Muhammad Nur kesal dengan keengganan Datuk Seri Najib Razak menyahut seruan Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim untuk berdebat secara terbuka mengenai isu politik, ekonomi dan kebajikan rakyat yang sedang hangat diperkata.

“Pemimpin yang enggan bersemuka dan bertentang mata memberi persepsi ketidakikhlasan dan ketidakjujuran. Ia mempamer bahawa ada rahsia yang mahu disorok.

“Apakah sebenarnya mahu disembunyikan dari rakyat itu?  Umno wajib menjelaskannya,” kata beliau yang menganggap alasan parti itu sebagai memual dan menjengkelkan.

Beliau menyifatkan keengganan Najib berdebat adalah manifestasi dari lesunya daya fikir dan intelek kepimpinan Umno dalam politik semasa yang mengamal budaya telus dan terbuka.

“Najib sebenar lebih beruntung kerana dikelilingi ratusan pegawai dan pembantu yang bersiap siaga dengan bekalan idea dan maklumat,” kata beliau.

Beliau juga percaya Umno belum berhenti dari muslihatnya untuk memperbodoh dan menindas minda rakyat untuk kekal berkuasa dan meneruskan penyelewengan tanpa sekatan.

Katanya, KEADILAN kesal kerana Umno yang memerintah sejak 54 tahun lalu, menghina dan merendah-rendahkan kemampuan rakyat Malaysia membuat penilaian.

“Jika benarlah rakyat masih belum mampu menerima debat kepimpinan secara terbuka, bukankah ini  bukti kegagalan Umno sendiri?” katanya.

“Dia boleh cakap 20 minit, saya 10 minit. Dia balas 20 minit dan saya jawab 10 minit.”

Itulah cadangan yang dikemukakan Datuk Sri Anwar Ibrahim kepada Perdana Menteri, Datuk Sri Najib Razak dalam cadangan debat antara mereka.

Namun sehingga kini Najib tidak memberikan sebarang kesanggupan untuk debat ini.

Ketua Penerangan Umno, Datuk Ahmad Maslan pula berkata, ia tidak perlu diadakan kerana ia budaya barat yang belum boleh diterima masyarakat negara ini.
Sebelum ini, badan penyelidikan, Merdeka Centre mencadangkan agar kedua-dua mereka berdebat.

Anwar Ibrahim mengalu-alukan idea berdebat dengan Najib sebagaimana disarankan oleh Merdeka Center berdasarkan penemuannya baru-baru ini.

Sehubungan itu kata Anwar, debat yang disyorkan wajar bagi menjawab persoalan-persoalan yang ditimbulkan terhadap Barisan Nasional (BN) dan Pakatan Rakyat (PR).

“Masing-masing buat tuduhan, kita tuduh Barisan Nasional rasuah dan gagal tadbir negara, BN tuduh kita tidak tahu urus ekonomi, tuduh Anwar jadi alat DAP, masing-masing ada pendekatan dan kita cadang debat.

“Apa yang kita sebut, kita pertahankan, itu sebabnya kita perlu debat. Insya-Allah kita menang dan dapat tawan Putrajaya,” kata beliau pada Program Mesra Rakyat Bersama Penasihat Ekonomi Selangor di Stadium Sabak Bernam di sini baru-baru ini.

Hari ini, Anwar memberikan syarat dan cadangan yang cukup berat sebelah untuk Najib iaitu tempoh masa bercakap yang lebih untuk Najib.

Cadangan itu dikemukakan Anwar melalui twitternya hari ini.

Sikap Najib enggan berdebat ini dibidas oleh Ketua Penerangan PKR, Dr Muhammad Nur Manuty.

“Ini menampakkan betapa purbanya cara berfikir kepimpinan parti ini dan betapa gentarnya UMNO untuk berbicara secara bersemuka mengenai hak rakyat,” katanya.

My fellow Malaysians in the Land Below the Wind, A Happy New Year and Kong Hee Fa Cai.

This Chinese New Year will usher in the Water Dragon. The Dragon is a creature of myth and legend. In ancient China, the dragon represents the emperor and power. Today, it is the ultimate auspicious symbol signifying success and happiness. According to a Feng Shui master, the year of the dragon is traditionally associated with new beginnings and good fortune.

This year is the year of the Water Dragon. Water symbolizes the ocean. This is an element of power, force and strong energy. The Water Dragon could be the destructive force of nature such as tsunami or earthquake. It could also be the driving force for social, political and economic changes. The water dragon is also a symbol of intelligence, courage, generosity and charity. It is predicted for countries that will hold their presidential or general elections that there will be changes. This is a sign of the bold progress and reforms that the powerful water dragon will bring this lunar year. The Dragon favours the bold. So this year he who is bold and he who dares will win. This is the year for the bold to step forward and bring change.

Putrajaya is UMNO not Malaysians

Firstly, decisions made by the Federal Government more popularly referred to as “decisions of Kuala Lumpur” and now “Putrajaya” have been taken by the people of Sabah as being synonymous as that of people of Peninsula Malaysia. I want to say that this is not correct. The decisions of the Federal Government are not synonymous with the people of Peninsula Malaysia. They are in truth and in fact decisions of UMNO.

The Federal Government’s interest in pursuing the NEP and the promotion of elitist’s interest is not the aspirations of the people of Peninsula, at least not since March 8, 2008. In the 12th General Elections the majority of the people of Peninsula Malaysia rejected racial politics. They rejected the NEP. In the 12th General Elections, 52% of the people in the Peninsula voted for the multi-racial politics of Pakatan Rakyat. They voted for PR’s New Economic Agenda, they rejected the NEP. They wanted affirmative action based on needs not race.

The people in the Peninsular rejected UMNO and BN. Unfortunately and ironically, it was the people of Sabah and Sarawak that kept UMNO and BN in Putrajaya. The brave people of Sabah who changed their state government three times, who we in West Malaysia would be the ones who will lead the change voted for BN. What happen to the people in Sabah?

Looking Back at Sabah’s History

To answer the question, to see what will be Sabah’s future, I look back at Sabah’s past. Sabah’s history is marked by the people’s courage to vote for change. It is the only state that changed its state government three times. We, in Peninsula Malaysia have always admired the courage of the Sabah people in throwing out despots and corrupt governments. However, it is sad to note that despite the people’s valiant efforts, Sabah had fallen from being the second richest state after Selangor in the 1970’s to become the second poorest. With each change the forces that the Sabah people rejected rebounded and took a stronger hold on the government. I note three features that have constantly recurred:-

1) That the Sabah people is strong when they unite under a multi-racial party;

2) That the Sabah people is weak when the multi-racial party is broken up and political parties base on race take over;

3) That the Sabah people’s aspirations are thwarted by the Federal Government who used the Federal government’s power and machinery to remove state Government whose policies are not in accord with UMNO’s.

The Early Years

I wish to refer to some historical facts to illustrate my point on the Sabah people’s need for unity and how critical it is for Sabahans to reject racial politics.

Prior to the formation of these racial based political parties, Sabah had always been racially, culturally and religiously diverse. However, the people of Sabah had never seen themselves as racially or religiously divided. In Sabah many families have relatives who are Chinese, KDM, Malay, Muslims and Christians. Ethnicity was not a feature of Sabah politics. However, this changed in the early 1960’s. Prior to the formation of the Federation of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur promoted the formation of an inter-ethnic alliance in Sabah. The Sabah Alliance was formed just before the first elections in April 1963. The Sabah Alliance consisted of UNKO, USNO and the Chinese parties later to become the Sabah Chinese Association (“SCA”) and later UPMO and SIC.

The first political party in Sabah was the United National Kadazan Organisation (“UNKO”) established in 1961 by Donald Stephens. Its majority support came from no-Muslim Kadazan communities.

The second political party was United Sabah National Organisation (“USNO”), the indigenous Muslim party formed by Datu Mustapha Datu Harun in December 1961. Although USNO was opened to all races in Sabah, a disproportionate number of the members who held senior positions in the party were Suluks as Tun Mustapha himself was of Suluk descent.

The third and fourth parties to be established were two separate Chinese parties namely Democratic Party and United Party. DP was formed in Kota Kinabalu in November 1961 by Peter Chin and UP in Sandakan by Khoo Siak Chew. In 1965, DP and UP they merged to form the Sabah Chinese Association to conform to the Peninsula model of the MCA.

The indigenous peoples in the interior formed their own political party in January 1962, known as United Pasok Momogun Organisation (“UPMO”) led by G.S. Sundang, the traditional Murut chief. UPMO was a breakaway party from UNKO who opposed the Malaysia proposal. UPMO leaders believed that the Malaysian proposal was not in Sabah’s best interests and argued that Sabah should achieve progress and independence on its own first before entertaining any proposal to form a federation with its neighbours. In June 1964, UPMO merged with UPKO to form the United Pasokmomogun Kadazan Organisation (“UPKO”).

To complete the lineup of Sabah political parties is the Sabah Indian Congress formed in November 1962 to represent the Indians that formed 1% of the Sabah population.

The Sabah Alliance modeled on the Peninsular Alliance of UMNO, MCA and MIC won the elections with Tun Mustapha appointed as the Governnor or Yang DiPertua Negeri and Donald Stephens as the first Chief Minister.

Relationship between the state and Kuala Lumpur began to strain when UPKO raised the issue of state rights known as the “Twenty Points” safeguards which were integral to the new federation. Donald Stevens required a strict interpretation of the Twenty Points safeguards for state autonomy. The Federal and state disagreed on Issues such as the Borneonization of the civil service, the use of the English language, the school and education policies. Thus Sabah leaders started to view Malaysia as a distinct and separate country and the Peninsula as the new colonizers of Sabah.

In contrast, Tun Mustapha’s policies were more in line with those of Kuala Lumpur. Tun Mustapha insisted that his post was not just ceremonial and required that the Yang DiPertua be consulted by the Chief Minister.

In the ensuing conflict over the powers of the Yang DiPertua and the Chief Minister, Kuala Lumpur backed Tun Mustapha. Stephens relinquished his post as Chief Minister. Tun Mustapha lured UPKO’s members to defect to USNO. In May 1967, UPKO left the Sabah Alliance and sat on the side of the opposition.

Federal support for Tun Mustapha won the day and this support continued even when Tun Mustapha turned to become autocratic and his excesses became not only well known but even an embarrassment to Kuala Lumpur. Tun Mustapha detained political opponents without trial in Kapayan, Yayasan Sabah which was formed to pursued education and social objectives was transformed into a key mechanism for political patronage. The Yayasan Sabah was used to allocate timber resources to Tun Mustapha’s political supporters.

This is an early example of UMNO providing support to local Sabah political parties and personalities that supported its racial policies and to undermine those that were not in supported of them.

The Rise and Fall of Berjaya

When the people of Sabah could not endure the abuses, they formed Berjaya on 15 July 1975. Berjaya was the first truly multi-racial political party led by Fuad Stephens. In the 1976 general elections, Berjaya ended the 13 year rule of the Sabah Alliance and the 8 year personal rule of Tun Mustapha.

The new Berjaya government was sworn in on 20th January 1976 with Fuad Stevens as Chief Minister and Harris Salleh as Deputy Chief Minister. However, before the new cabinet could settle down in office, almost the entire cabinet was wiped out in the plane crash in June 1976. Harris Salleh was saved because Fuad Stephens asked him to stay behind in Labuan to take a later flight with the Finance Minister Tengku Razaleigh. Tengku Razaleigh was there to hammer out the important agreement for Sabah to hand over the oil resources to Federal control. Fuad Stevens and his cabinet were fighting hard to protect the Sabah people’s right to use its own resources.

Harris Salleh signed the petroleum agreement soon after he was appointed the new chief minister. With a stroke of the pen the Sabah people loss its rights to the resource in exchange for a 5% royalty. Harris thus enjoyed support from the Federal Government. During his tenure Harris Salleh brought in migrant workers from Indonesia and Philippines. Power entered into Harris Salleh’s head. The policies of Berjaya started to reflect those of UMNO. Labuan was given to the Federal Government to be turned into a Federal Territory. The 20 Points safeguards in the Malaysia Agreement and the state autonomy were put in the backburner.

The Last Hurrah under PBS

Sabahans increasing frustration with Harris led to a replay of USNO’s ouster. Just before the 1985 general elections, PBS was formed. PBS was formed by Joseph Pairin Kitingan as a multi-racial party determined to fight for the rights of Sabahans that Berjaya had deviated from. PBS snatched a dramatic victory to wrest control of the state government from Berjaya and BN. PBS governed Sabah in 4 general elections from 1985 to 1994.

However, PBS could not maintain state development without the Federal government’s support. After 1986 riots PBS joined BN. PBS entered BN as a component party at the Federal level but remained as the opposition in the state. In 1990 PBS pulled out of BN. PBS retained Sabah in the 1990 general elections and also won narrowly in 1994. Before it could form the state government, PBS was undermined by a series of defections and certain developments by its political rivals engineered by UMNO.

In order to counter PBS, USNO and UPKO dissolved to form UMNO Sabah. Some of the Chinese members of Berjaya restarted the SCA and it became the Sabah chapter of the Peninsula MCA. Other Chinese members formed the Liberal Democratic Party led by Datuk Hiew Ming Kong of Tawau and Tan Sri Chong Kah Kiat of Kudat.

In 1990, Mark Koding and Tan Sri Pandikar Amin Mulia (now Speaker Dewan Rakyat) quit PBS and formed AKAR which promptly joined BN.

In 1994, Datuk Yong Teck Lee, Tan Sri Bernard Dompok and Tan Sri Joseph Kurup formed the Sabah Progressive Party (“SAPP”), New UPKO and Sabah People’s United Party (“PBRS”) respectively. Datuk Jeffery Kitingan also left to join PBRS, later PKR and now STAR.

As a result of the defections, PBS lost control of the state. An UMNO led BN formed the state government. It was not a Sabah government of the Sabah people by the Sabah People for the Sabah people. It was a government snatched from the Sabah people through defections, lured by promises of power and positions.

In 2002, PBS rejoined BN. Thus ended any form of opposition in Sabah. UMNO through BN ruled Sabah to this day. The Sabah people’s struggle for their promised rights of state autonomy, for a multi-racial government and a fair share of its riches and resources ended. In 2002, the vision of a multi-racial autonomous state was stolen. Although it has been crushed the dream will not die and lives on in the hearts of all true Sabahans.

The Moment in Time Has Come

In a Federal system, theoretically, each level of Government remains sovereign in its own domain. Under the UMNO model, Malaysian federalism the autonomy of the states has shrunk substantially. UMNO using the Federal government apparatus was able to establish legal supremacy and political authority that permitted UMNO to encroach onto the sovereignty of the states without serious hindrance.

In the case of Sabah, UMNO dealt firmly with state leaders who sought to protect state autonomy. UMNO supported only those state leaders who supported UMNO’s own policies and interests. Sabah with its diverse races and cultures does not have any one race that is significantly larger than others. There has never been one group religious or racial that dominated the others. The tension that comes from ethnicity was unknown before 1963. It came with the promotion of ethnic based racial political parties by the model used by then Alliance and now BN.

The lessons learned from Sabah’s history are clear and is there for all to see. The Sabah people’s future and fortune is not with ethnicity, it is not with racial politics, it is not with political patronage. In the name of Malay first Sabah has been raped and looted. Its resources and the riches have been plundered by those who looked after their own personal interest, first, second and last. Sabah’s future lies with Sabahans renewing their struggle for recognition of the 20 Points. It lies is with Pakatan Rakyat. It lies with a truly multi-racial coalition. Pakatan Rakyat respects the state government’s sovereignty. This is clearly set out in the Buku Jingga on the state and Federal relations. It is one of the first things to be done as part of the 100 day Programme. On January 14, Pakatan Rakyat at its convention has unveiled a fund and blue print to give effect to the 20 Point Agreement and to increase the oil royalty to 20%.

The moment has come for the people of Sabah and its leaders to rise up once again. Every ten to twelve years like the Chinese zodiac, Sabah enters a new phase of its political development. In the 12 year cycle of the Chinese zodiac, the Dragon shall rise again and enter in 2012. The Sabah people must like the Dragon that comes once every 12 years seize the moment and rise up for change, for freedom and to recover your rights.

History has taught us that wresting control of State governments is not enough. Penang, Kelantan, Sabah and the power grab in Perak proves that state rights are not respected by UMNO. That it does not accept the democratic choice of the people to choose its state government. UMNO undermines the wishes of the people in the state. Putrajaya only respected the state if UMNO is removed from Putrajaya. Sabahans must not focus only on who forms the state government, they must also look at who forms the Federal Government. The BN model of Federalism has given too much power to the center. To regain your rights under the Malaysia Agreement, UMNO must be swept out of Kinabalu but also Putrajaya. The Dragon favours the bold. It is my sincerest wish and my dearest hope that the Sabah leaders heed the cry of your people. I am sure when you give utmost priority to the people’s interest above all others, all disagreement can be overcome. Disputes over seats, control and position must give way to the needs of the people. The people will appreciate your personal sacrifices and reward you with a momentous decision in the coming 13th General Elections. March bravely forward, your courage will overcome all obstacles and the luck of the Dragon will set you free.

I wish you Selamat Tahu Baru, a Very Happy New Year, Kong Xi Fa Cai,

WALAUPUN dakwat kekal akan digunakan pada pilihan raya umum ke-13 (PRU13) ini, penipuan masih juga boleh berlaku. Berikut adalah kemungkinan bagaimana BN menang melalui penipuan.

1. Nama kita tidak berada dalam senarai daftar pengundi. Jika nama kita langsung tidak berada dalam senarai pada hari mengundi, maka kita langsung tidak boleh buat apa-apa.

2. Nama kita telah dipindahkan ke kawasan yang jauh:
Sebagai contoh jika kita tinggal di Shah Alam, alamat kad pengenalan kita di Shah Alam dan pada pilihan raya yang lepas kita mengundi di Shah Alam, dengan tiba-tiba kali ini nama kita telah dipindahkan ke Perlis tanpa pengetahuan kita pada hari kita pergi mengundi nanti. Adakah kita akan pergi ke Perlis untuk mengundi pada hari tersebut?

3. Percaturan secara strategik:

a. Pengundi Cina di Shah Alam dipindahkan ke Klang.

Apabila ini berlaku, Umno akan dapat kembali kerusi Parlimen Shah Alam daripada PAS (ahli parlimen kini Khalid Samad).

Kerusi Parlimen Klang biar dimenangi oleh DAP tak apalah asalkan Umno dapat kembali kerusi Parlimen Shah Alam. Pada masa ini kerusi Parlimen Klang dipegang oleh Charles Santiago daripada DAP.

b. Pengundi Cina di kerusi Parlimen Titiwangsa (dulu dimenangi Allahyarham Dr Lo’ Lo’ Ghazali) yang dipegang oleh PAS akan dipindahkah ke kerusi Parlimen Cheras yang dimiliki oleh DAP (Tan Kok Wai). Ini akan membolehkan Umno untuk dapat kembali kerusi Parlimen Titiwangsa.

Pemindahan pengundi Cina ke kawasan yang dimiliki oleh DAP sejak zaman Tok Kadok lagi tidak memberi apa-apa manfaat kepada DAP tetapi hanya memberikan DAP kemenangan dengan jurang yang amat besar sahaja, contohnya Teresa Kok daripada DAP menang di kerusi Parlimen Seputeh dengan jumlah lebihan undi sebanyak 36,000 – angka yang amat besar, malah jumlah lebihan undi yang banyak sekali di Malaysia pada pilihan raya yang lalu.

c. Kerusi Parlimen Batu yang merupakan sebuah kerusi Wilayah Persekutuan KL telah bertindih dengan kerusi Parlimen Selayang di Selangor untuk membolehkan pengundi Melayu mengundi di Batu. Pada masa kini, penyandang kerusi Parlimen Batu ialah Tian Chua daripada KeADILan.

4. Pertambahan pengundi secara mendadak:

a. Kerusi Dun (Dewan Undangan Negeri) Pelabuhan Klang, di mana penyandangnya ialah Badrul Hisham Abdullah (dulu KeADILan, sekarang Umno).

Di kerusi Dun ini terdapat pertambahan jumlah pengundi sebanyak 5,510 pada tahun lalu walaupun tiada kawasan perumahan baru di situ sejak pilihan raya yang lalu. Anggota Parlimen daripada DAP, Charles Santiago telah berhasrat untuk membuat bantahan mengenai perkara ini sebab kerusi Dun ini terletak dalam kawasan Parlimennya.

Wang RM10 kena dibayar oleh Santiago bagi setiap nama yang dibantah dan ini memerlukan kos yang tinggi. Selain itu, anggota Parlimen daripada Pakatan Rakyat tidak dapat apaapa dana pun daripada kerajaan Pusat BN walaupun adalah hak mereka sebagai anggota Parlimen untuk mendapat dana tersebut.

Dana itu di bawah kawalan Jabatan Perdana Menteri dan hanya diagihkan kepada anggota Parlimen BN sahaja dan ia berjumlah RM1.5 juta setiap tahun. Adakah BN berniat untuk mencekik anggota Parlimen Pakatan Rakyat dengan tidak memberi apa-apa peruntukan kepada mereka?

b. Kerusi Parlimen lain yang telah menyaksikan pertambahan pengundi secara mendadak ialah Kuala Langat (KeADILan- Abdullah Sani), Shah Alam (PASKhalid Samad), Hulu Langat (PAS-Che Rosli) dan Kota Raja (PAS-Dr Siti Mariah) d imana lebih 5,000 nama pengundi yang diragui telah dimasukkan dalam senarai daftar pengundi di kerusi-kerusi tersebut.

Dapat dilihat bahawa Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) adalah licik dalam perancangan percaturan pergerakan pengundi dan justeru, boleh dikatakan bahawa SPRlah yang menentukan nasib BN dalam setiap PRU. Oleh itu, janganlah berfikiran naif bahawa dengan penggunaan dakwat kekal adalah mustahil untuk penipuan dilakukan.

Hanyalah dengan sokongan padu rakyat dari semua lapisan masyarakat dan semua bangsa, tak kira miskin atau kaya, tua atau muda, di kampung ataupun di bandar barulah BN boleh ditumbangkan.

Rakyat Malaysia mesti mengundi Pakatan Rakyat supaya undi daripada pekerja asing dapat ditumpaskan. Jika jumlah rakyat Malaysia yang memilih Pakatan tidak cukup untuk mengatasi undi pekerja asing, maka pekerja asing telah menentukan halatuju negara ini.

Susah keslah macam itu sebab Malaysia akan terjatuh ke dalam gaung zaman batu purba apabila hak rakyat Malaysia telah diaibkan oleh pihak yang tidak bertanggungjawab yang hanya mementingkan kuasa dan wang dalam saku mereka sendiri.

Many Malay professionals would like to see Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak debate Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim on policy issues, the Merdeka Center said today.

The independent pollster told Sinar Harian its focus group discussions with Malay professionals showed they were keen on a debate where both leaders talked about larger issues affecting the country, not personal ones.

“There appears to be a change in what the people want. They want a new culture of debate rather than smear campaigns,” Merdeka Center director Ibrahim Suffian (picture) told the Malay-language daily.

The centre’s findings come just 10 days after Anwar challenged Najib to a public debate over national policies during his winding-up speech at the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) convention in Alor Star.

The PKR de facto leader had said that an open debate would let voters decide for themselves if the opposition pact’s plans for Malaysia had merit.

The ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition has criticised PR’s alternative policies as populist and irresponsible.

It was the third such challenge issued by Anwar to Najib, who has so far declined to go toe-to-toe with the former deputy prime minister.

Najib, who is Umno president, previously demurred by saying that political parties were more important than individuals in Malaysia’s parliamentary democracy.

However, he also stressed that he would not baulk if required to face off against the charismatic Anwar in a presidential-style debate.

“I’m not afraid of Anwar Ibrahim,” Najib had said to loud cheers from delegates at the close of the Selangor BN convention in September last year.

A survey commissioned by PKR in August last year showed that Najib was more popular than Anwar especially among Malays despite being seen as indecisive and a poorer communicator.

The poll noted, however, that Anwar could combat Najib’s “surface appeal” by leveraging on his image as a strong, decisive leader with good communication skills and an understanding of economic issues.

The prime minister was seen positively by 53 per cent of voters compared to 40 per cent who backed Anwar.

Najib was also the overwhelming favourite among the Malays, with 71 per cent backing the Umno president compared to just 32 per cent who viewed Anwar favourably