From Asia 360 News

How does a Muslim village boy who faithfully attends Quran classes and goes home to the works of Lao Tzu and Confucius, grow up to view the world — and his country? The scope of Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s worldview is matched by the breadth of his political ambitions. Having risen from the ashes, the leader of Malaysia’s opposition is raring to prove his mettle at the upcoming elections.

Asia360 News editor-in-chief Goh Chien Yen caught up with Anwar Ibrahim in an exclusive interview at the Houses of Parliament, to discuss how exactly the firebrand politician plans to do that.

Asia360 News: There is a lot of talk about the general elections being round the corner. Some predict that they could be held as early as June this year. When do you think it will be?

Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim: I don’t know. I’m not particularly good at speculating. But the incessant attacks in the UMNO media on the opposition and their rosy coverage of [Malaysian Prime Minister] Najib’s movements, which you see virtually every day, is a sure sign of the imminent elections.

Q: Is the timing good for UMNO to call for an election soon?

AI: I don’t think the timing is actually good for UMNO. You see, they have downplayed UMNO as a party. They are projecting Najib, to show that he’s trying to do his level best. Relying solely on him, however, is to acknowledge the fact that there are strong sentiments against UMNO and the Barisan Nasional coalition. The other component parties that used to play a major role — MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) and the MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress) particularly — are completely sidelined. I don’t believe they’re that confident.

Q: And the timing is good for the opposition, for Pakatan Rakyat? What’s your plan for the upcoming election in order to boost your chances of getting into the government?

AI: Well, we’re working very hard under the circumstances. We have at least been able to present ourselves as a formidable force, a team, and I think that has helped. Unlike Najib, they’re projecting him, but we always appear — the three party leaders [of the opposition coalition] — together. Then, there’s a clear common platform from Buku Jingga, the Orange Book, and on some issues we presented at the recent Pakatan Rakyat Convention. The good thing is that we’ve been working very hard on those issues. We presented the case not only as an alternative government, but with clear policies laid out.

Q: So what are some of these clear policies from an economic standpoint? The Malaysian economy seems to be doing quite well, registering about 5% growth for 2011 despite the global slowdown. What can you do differently or do better on the economic front?

AI: We are of course for market economics and market reforms, but to us, governance is central. Price hikes here are mainly due to monopoly. Rice and sugar are the monopoly of a few select companies controlled by family members of cronies. We believe that if things are done in a transparent manner and proper procurement policies, tender process, then we can minimally reduce some of these problems.

And this figure, the 5% growth, does not really resonate with the masses. Unlike our neighbouring countries, we’re a net exporter of petroleum; the revenue rests comfortably with this huge income resource.

I don’t think we have much of an issue with infrastructure, or economic growth. People tend to compare us with mostly developing economies. But I would always say that we should be compared with Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea, and not Myanmar and Bangladesh. But what is more important in terms of economic policies is that we have the capacity to move forward at a faster pace and to improve, radically shift and substantially improve the quality of education.

Q: So these are what you see as the immediate challenges if you were to get into power. What would your priorities be in your first 100 days in office?

AI: We need to make sure and be clear that it is not a race-based politics, number one. Number two, the issue of governance. If an observer looks at the growth figures, they know what is lost to corruption.

Q: If the opposition comes into power, Malaysia will be faced with an unprecedented situation of UMNO not being in government. How would others such as the judiciary, military and the monarchy react to this new political state of affairs?

AI: This issue is probably relevant much earlier. In 1969, it was a race question. The opposition was seen to be an attack on the Malays. It is not necessarily right; I’m talking about perceptions here. By 2008, we [the opposition] controlled five states — this is not a concern anymore. We are talking about an UMNO-dominated government versus the opposition, which is also Malay-led, so you can’t use this race card. Also now that we have been in government at the state level for some years, our interactions with the military, the police, has been deeper, and also with the sultans.

Q: So you think Malaysia is ready to move further away from race-based politics that have dominated the political scene for so long?

AI: If you look at the 2000 elections, it’s clearly a departure. It’s been quite clear since 2007. Some critics painted the picture that that if we do take over, it will be like a stooge to the Chinese. It has been used by Mahathir [the former prime minister] against me and it was used by Najib against me. He had publicly said that I will be a stooge of the Chinese, particularly the DAP (Democratic Action Party). My style has never been to be apologetic. Why can’t I be used by the Chinese and the Malays and the Indians, for the good of this country? Instead of just denying, “No, I will not.” Although this has been a major campaign in rural areas about the insecurity of the Malays, I think it’s over. People finally want to know about the future, their welfare. You go to the Penang Malays, it’s not whether a Chinese is chief minister, it is about their housing, about access to credit, which are their concerns. So we’ll have to address these issues.

Q: What are the challenges for Malaysia as it modernises while remaining faithful to its religious and cultural heritage? Do you see a balance that could be struck or will it always be a source of tension?

AI: We have been able to navigate this successfully, maintaining our posture as a tolerant, moderate, Muslim society. The so-called contentious religious issues were not raised by religious scholars but were purely a political ploy. After all, this race card, religion card are all inculcating a climate of fear. What they want to hear is what you have to offer in terms of concrete policies. If and when we do take over, then the constitutional guarantees and framework will be made on the issues of language and religion, which I think is clearly acceptable to Muslims and non-Muslims in this country. But, having said that, I wouldn’t want to discredit the fact that it would still continue. Look at the UMNO media; it’s a daily dosage of Christians versus Malays, so they may attempt to send this message through their incessant propaganda efforts to the rural heartlands.

Q: You’ve been scandalised, beaten, stripped of your title and thrown into jail. What keeps you going?

AI: I’m just plain crazy!

Q: Where do you draw your inspiration?

AI: I’m not crazy; I was just quoting Mandela. After I was released, he invited me, Azizan and the children to visit him. So we went to Johannesburg, because he wasn’t doing too well. He was very apologetic, he said, “Anwar, I’m sorry we’re not able to do much.” I said, “Look, you did your best.” He had immense influence and he was successful in even getting me out of the country for treatment in Johannesburg. He said: “People like us, people say we’re mad, we’re crazy.” Then I intercepted and said to him, “Mad, for sure we are not, but crazy, yes.” But I don’t know. I’m grateful for my parents, they were quite idealistic, my late mum and my father.

Others have asked me how I see Mahathir now, and I spent the first 20 minutes talking about the nice time I had with him. They said, “No, please be serious.” I said, “I am!” That’s a wonderful thing to have. Of course I get angry, I counter his arguments, rebut very strongly, in some ways despise his hypocrisy, the gross injustice, but I wouldn’t deny the positive contributions he made. But the destruction of the institutions of government, that’s unforgivable. Personally, I’m okay, I moved on, but the judiciary, media, the police force, parliament, were all relegated to becoming inconsequential.

Q: Speaking of your relationship with Mahathir, do you have any regrets in the sense that perhaps things could have been done differently? After all, you were the heir-apparent. You were the deputy prime minister, slated to become the next leader.

AI: Oh, I thought about that a lot. You have to remember, I was in prison, so what do you do? Meditate, read and think. And sing, I sing quite a bit too. You do, you reflect, but then it was mutual, he was kind to me and I was exceedingly kind and loyal to him. It was a very difficult period but I don’t think I had much option towards the end. In fact, I’ve always said to my more critical friends that I have absolved myself. After all, we were part of the government. Some of the decisions were bitter, but we needed to draw the line. Things like bailouts, things like the corruption reports against ministers, already on your table, and for you to say “not to do anything”… you have to bring it up! But people say you could have compromised, some friends did say that. But then you would have transgressed the boundary. If or when you do take over, how do you then rationalise with the public what you’ve done? If it’s done by the prime minister, well there’s not much I can do. But if it is condoned by you, you have a problem. So, do I regret it? No. Was it difficult? Yes. Do I think I had other options? No, except to resign early, to die a fighter.

Q: You’re also a man of ideas. It was about 17 years ago when you wrote the book “Asian Renaissance”. A lot has happened since. Asia is on the rise. Do you think what you described as renaissance is happening now? And where do you see Malaysia in this emerging Asia?

AI: That book became quite contentious because people close to Mahathir thought we were clearly parting ways. Secondly, the central idea of economics empowerment is critical, but not everything, that’s why I talked about renaissance, cultural empowerment, I talked about freedom, and justice. And I think there was a flaw in the thinking at that time of these economic gurus: prescriptions by the World Bank, the IMF about the East Asian economic miracle, and so forth. They didn’t talk about disparity, the marginalised, the poor, whether the judiciary is independent or not, or if the media’s free. To them ‘the miracle’ was in terms of a limited notion of economics and power. I hold very dearly the thesis I presented in that book. That’s why I used the term ‘renaissance’.

Q: Do you think this is happening now? There have been some changes. Indonesia has changed and is now a proud democracy. Malaysia has made progress too, slightly more liberal and democratic these days.

AI: I don’t think they’re that liberal — they are forced to be. Look at the parliament proceedings today — a mockery, a joke. But it’s a challenge. Once you are transformed into a relatively vibrant democracy, then you actually allow for space. And that latitude is essential for the mushrooming of ideas. That, to me, is very critical when you talk in terms of economics or cultural empowerment.

That is happening more successfully in Indonesia, the Philippines and Thailand because they are more democratic. Although I wouldn’t want to deny the fact that Indonesia, too, is facing a major problem due to endemic corruption and marginalisation. If the issue of governance is not resolved, people have this suspicion, then whatever policies, however rational or good, will always be suspect. Is it to enrich your cronies or is it really something really essential to the masses? Trust is important.

Q: What would you consider your greatest political achievement to date?

AI: I’ve not achieved much. For now, I’m cementing the three parties together. Fortunately, the leaders of the three parties are like-minded and willing to collaborate for a common agenda. But there is still a long way to go. So we shall see. People say that success means you assume office. It’s not true. Success is when you’re able to deliver. It’s not when you attain the position. That’s I think the wisdom of having been there and being downtrodden. And I think that keeps your sanity and humility. I think that’s important. People think being prime minister is the end, but I don’t think so. I think you should be evaluated and judged. And when you’re able to honour your commitments after you assume office, and remain true to your ideas, that, to me, is a far greater challenge than articulating this ideal in the absence of authority or power. When you’re there, you deal with the realpolitik, with the power play, with the big forces, with the tycoons. If they give you a 10 million dollar ring, what do you do?

Q: There’s a strong moral conviction behind your political action. What keeps you true? What keeps you walking the straight and narrow and not, like you said, being wavered by the 10 million dollar ring or turning your eye away from what you think is not right?

AI: I’m a man of faith; I’m a practicing Muslim. At the same time, I grew up well thanks to my parents. My mother is not English-educated but she’s an avid reader. She virtually read all novels in Malay or in Bahasa Indonesia in those days, the entire collection of Balai Pustaka books. And my dad, we always had these small compendiums of books, from Gandhi to Lao Tzu to Confucius, and it’s interesting. For a Muslim family in a village, with a small library at home, we have that. So you familiarise yourself. I go to Quran class, and following the Nabi (prophet), as an intellectual, you don’t view religion purely from a dogmatic sense but you engage.

Roger Garaudy was a great philosopher, who started off being a Christian in France, then later on became a Muslim. It’s very interesting what he said, unlike a new convert. He said, “I’m blessed, I grew up a Christian, and that’s where I learnt compassion and tolerance. Then I became a Communist, and I had strong empathy and love for the poor and downtrodden. Then I became a Muslim and then I became more universal.” So just because he is a Muslim, the past is no longer relevant? No, the past is what is him. Exactly what Amartya Sen had said. In his book “Identity and Violence”, he said, “I’m an Indian, I memorised Sanskrit at the age of nine and I think it was a great thing, I’m a Hindu and I think we have a great civilisation, but because I’m in India, I think that Muslim moguls have done wonderfully well. But later I became a professor in Cambridge, in Harvard. I think it’s a great institution and I love being here in America and despite the fact that I grew up in Santiniketan, I am a great admirer of Shakespeare. So who am I?” And that is beautiful. I use that a lot. And when you read it and understand it and you see these people talking about Malay supremacy, oh my god, they know nothing. CY & FE

Malaysiakini

Parti Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) hari ini berharap pilihan raya umum di Malaysia – yang dijangka berlangsung tidak lama lagi – dapat berjalan dengan adil, jujur dan telus.

Dengan keadaan itu, kata setiausaha agungnya Fahri Hamzah (lihat foto), ia membolehkan rakyat Malaysia memilih “kepimpinan yang sejati” dan memberikan pentadbiran yang baik.

Tanpa menyatakan sokongan kepada mana-mana pihak secara jelas, beliau bagaimanapun memuji Ketua Pembangkang Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim yang disifatkannya mampu “menganyam kepimpinan masa lalu dan sekarang” demi kebaikan negara serumpun.
“Figura Bapak Anwar boleh menjadi pemimpin transisi yang boleh memimpin negara dan seluruh polisi untuk maju ke depan,” katanya dalam majlis dialog delegasi tokoh politik Indonesia bersama kerajaan Selangor di Shah Alam.

Turut hadir dalam majlis itu barisan exco negeri dan mantan menteri koperasi dan usahawan kecil dan menengah Indonesia Adi Sasono.

Fahri turut mengakui “hubungan terbaik” Indonesia-Malaysia sewaktu Anwar menjadi timbalan perdana menteri yang menjalin kerjasama dengan presiden Indonesia ketika itu BJ Habibie.

“Saya bersetuju sebagai anak muda, kami merasakan hubungan kemesraan (diplomatik) yang luar biasa,” katanya.

Fahri turut mengakui sering diajak bertemu dan bekerjasama dengan pelbagai organisasi daripada Malaysia ketika itu.

PKS yang ditubuhkan pada 1998 antara parti Islam paling popular di Indonesia dengan penguasaan 57 daripada 560 kerusi dalam parlimen di republik itu.

Klik imej untuk besarkan keratan

From The Hindu.com
By Meena Menon
Former Malaysian deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim who was acquitted of sodomy on January 9 jokes that he may be 64 but looks 46. He says his wife Azizah often retorts “you may look 46 but your back is 84.” After meeting him, you realise that it was his strong sense of humour and conviction that he was never in the wrong that helped him survive six years in solitary confinement. It was during that period that he suffered so much police assault that he was once mistaken for dead. His famous photograph with a black eye became the symbol of his predicament worldwide and the beating has left him with a permanent back injury that requires wearing a fortified brace all the time. While he needs surgery, he plans to postpone it since it would affect his travel and preparation for the next general elections in Malaysia. He heads the Opposition Parti Keadilan Rakyat or People’s Justice Party and is confident of winning on a progressive multiethnic platform with emphasis on an independent judiciary and a free media.

The Arab Spring could find an echo in Malaysia which has 55 per cent ethnic Malay Muslims and a large Buddhist, Hindu and Christian population. He was first accused in 1998 of corruption and sodomy and again in 2008 of sodomy which is punishable with 20 years in Malaysia. Despite his serious injury and harsh treatment, he is forgiving. He doesn’t expect an apology from the powers that be and has no plans to sue the government. “Can you sue Hitler?” he asks, adding that he will form the next government. A close aide of former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammed, he took on corruption within the first family leading to his arrest and conviction the first time. He has been described as a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International and received widespread support from the world over after he was jailed.

In India at the invitation of Rajmohan Gandhi as part of a pro democratic think thank initiative, Mr Ibrahim is grateful for support from this country and others and this is perhaps what led to his acquittal. He orders “garam paani” (hot water) in Hindi and confesses to being an avid fan of older Bollywood films like Sangam, but is not in touch with current releases. Most Malaysian papers said the acquittal was on technical grounds which is far from the truth, he says.

Excerpts from an interview with Meena Menon.

The verdict of acquittal surprised you..?

Because I gave evidence based on the facts and law to suggest that the decisions in the trial were blatantly biased against me. Key witnesses we wanted to call were disallowed, which is unacceptable. This is a criminal charge based on a complainant, who went to the doctors. So we wanted those notes of examination but this was not given to us. We adduced enough evidence to suggest there was fabrication. It was only after we brought in international experts that we could prove this. No local expert would dare come out and testify under such a regime.

I don’t know if the verdict was due to public pressure or fears that the international community would focus on Malaysia –I don’t know whether the judge decided this based on his conscience. It was not a convenient, normal sort of a verdict. Certainly it came as a surprise, I don’t know why the judge did this.

What would be the political impact of this decision. Polls are expected soon in Malaysia and can this verdict work to your advantage?

Elections will be called very soon, anytime from March to June, I don’t think they will delay for far too long, since the new Prime Minister has not got the mandate. Secondly, the economic projections for this year are not great, but notwithstanding all this I am optimistic that we can wrest control from the government, predicated upon free elections, which we don’t have.

What about your years in prison? How did you survive?

There is no issue of money, land or remunerations. I was also finance minister then and there was no basis for charging me over any irregularity. So they charged me with speaking to the police over some scurrilous attacks on my character. The police came over and I said investigate it. What’s wrong with that? The ministry for home affairs at that time was under Mahathir, he should be questioned not me. I have no authority to go and direct the police, it was under my boss. That’s Malaysia. But still we are better than Zimbabwe(smiles).

I opposed Mahathir who wanted 2 billion ringgit to bail out his son then. Later his family could pay 2.9 b ringgit to buy San Miguel company. How did you raise the money in cash?

But the important thing is to move on – move forward.

How did you keep your morale up in jail?

I spent six years in solitary confinement before I was released in 2004. Earlier for two years I was a political detainee. Eight years — that’s a short walk to freedom compared to Nelson Mandela’s 26 years! The harassment was small compared to Gandhiji’s , I was badly assaulted, and that is a reprieve compared to those who were shot dead okay? So you always look at things positively.

The first six months Mahathir denied me any reading material. But after that they slowly allowed under pressure from international media and I spent a long time reading the Islamic epics, Hindu epics, Chinese epics, western books. Other than Ramayana, Mahabharata, Gita and Gandhi, I read Shri Aurobindo whom I think should be popularized more. I read Shakespeare of course, the entire works four and half times, with copious notes.

Why did government choose sodomy to harass you?

You should ask Mahathir why he chose that. They chose it because they can’t pick one case of corruption- I was minister of finance for eight years, and they said I am traitor to the country and am a Jewish/ Chinese/ Hindu agent but finally sodomy was chosen – because this would enrage the rural conservative Muslim constituency. Secondly it is easier, there is no proof required to convict me, it is a matter of accepting the complainant’s view.

That’s what happened in the first case in (1998), but in the second case, they made a stupid blunder they brought in forensics, DNA and then we brought international experts to demolish those.

At one point you wanted a trial under Islamic Law?

I did that because they use Islam and they say you should swear by the Koran which to me is an insult. I am a practising Muslim and it is an insult to Koran to consider crimes to be resolved only by swearing on the holy book. You rape a girl and you swear by the Koran and you are free? What does this mean? Is this what Islam teaches us? I consulted all religious authorities and they said no, they said the only option is to refer the matter to the religious court. That’s why I decided to go there but they wouldn’t dare bring it up.

The government says the acquittal shows judicial independence?

The huge crowds outside the court is unprecedented, we had Malays, Chinese, Indians. When the verdict was announced people were embracing each other and crying, it was a beautiful scene of multi racial unity. I watched on TV and even police officers were laughing and shaking hands. The government says this is evidence of judicial independence. They exploited the verdict. But that is not at all the reality. One swallow does not a summer make. There was a public outrage, international pressure. Even the Washington Post wrote against my case.

What about the ruling United Malays National Organisation(UMNO) in Malaysia and your challenge to them? Your party already posed a challenge in 2008 winning some major districts. How do you see your future?

Yeah I must be crazy to challenge them (laughs)! In 2008 we won a lot of seats. In the last three years we worked very hard in the districts we have control and secondly made forays into other parts of the rural heartland and people do accept us. UMNO is seen to be by the more educated crowd as a party continuing with its obsolete ways and partly as authoritarian, The zeitgeist has changed, especially among the young. India is a democracy, Indonesia has transformed itself. The Arab Spring has its ramifications elsewhere. My old colleagues they failed to understand me, are they completely oblivious to the changes taking place? You see the same pattern- When Ali (Ben Ali in Tunisia) fell Mubarak said this is Egypt, we are not Tunisia. When Mubarak fell, Gaddafi said its Egypt it’s unique, different, then Syria which has a great culture and civilization was in turmoil and the Prime Minister in Malaysia said “this is Malaysia we are not Arabs.”

How has your earlier conviction and present acquittal changed things? Especially in the eyes of the people in the rural areas, will it have an impact?

Now the acquittal has reinforced our position, Even my last conviction did not affect me much. The acquittal has made it easier for us. While the government has been using my acquittal as an example of an independent judiciary. I say look you have been abusing me everyday for the last 14 years, and now I say you should be in the Opposition.

Is the sodomy charge used to harass people commonly in Malaysia? As a political weapon?

No, I am an exception. It’s a phobia created against me, a sort of xenophobia. You look at the media on prime time TV– I am a threat to security, I am anti Malay, they say I went to India and attacked Malaysia. Once I asked the minister of information “can you give me one week’s leave?” He didn’t understand , he asked me where do you want to go? He kept on asking – I finally said Shut up on Anwar in your TV network. The media is UMNO controlled, there is no freedom. The Hindu has been kind to me. Amnesty and Human Rights Watch played a major role in raising the issue.

UMNO has been speaking of reforms?

Even Mubarak used to talk of reforms to his son Jamal, Qaddafi used to talk of reform to his son Saif ul Islam. The most corrupt will be supporting legislation against corruption. We must measure change from actual reform and actual implementation of the reform, not pronouncements. If I am a rich man, I can pay 22 million US dollars to appoint an international PR consultant appointed by Sani Abacha and others- so naturally they must give him(the Malaysian Prime Minister) good advice- but should you be presumptuous and accept their version? No. You should assess by the performance what have they done- is corruption rooted out, is there a free media, is there an independent judiciary?

What is your focus in your election campaign?

We’ve spelt out efforts to promote growth- strengthen the market economy, a strong dose of affirmative action based on need, not based on race, judicial independence, free media, and no discriminatory practices against ethnic minorities. Islam is the religion of the Federation of Malaysia , yes, but you should not use that either that to compel non Muslims or to denigrate the position of non Muslims.

How does the regime treat any opposition?

Some time ago 300 students opposing the oppressive University College Act which bars students from taking part or giving any comments in political issues were beaten up by the police and we had the rally for fair and free elections which was roughly treated by the police. There are many cases of torture, apart from mine. People are killed or die in police custody or in the custody of the anti corruption commission- of course it is said that they are not killed, did not commit suicide but these are mysterious deaths. In my speeches sometimes I joke these people are not killed –they are looking at the door or the window- and they just walked out, and they fell, only the room happened to be 14 stories above ground. So stupid to expect people to believe these stories.

There is a public outcry on all this. A young Chinese party supporter fell from the 14th floor while in custody and another Hindu boy died in police custody. A Malay Muslim died after falling from the fourth floor while under anti corruption commission custody. When I was called by the police for questioning in this case, I said can we do it on the ground floor. Do you have windows or doors?(laughs)

You say the impact of Arab Spring will be reflected in Malaysia?

The night before this verdict 50,000 people came to hear what I thought was my last speech. On the court verdict day, it was a working day – people took leave and came to cheer me. I was arrested two and a half years ago, and put in a lock up on a cement floor for one night and then released, for no reason- other than abuse –they could have asked me to go to the police station for questioning. But the good thing is I have the humility now – that means your passion for justice becomes strong- if I can be treated that way- I am a known person , the world talks about me. What about the poor guys?

Are you going to sue or take action?

Do dictators ever apologise? The fight against corruption and scurrilous charges is like the battle by Krishna against an evil snake(as in Hindu mythology).

I want to move on and forgive them but this government shouldn’t be allowed to go on with impunity. How can I sue this government, I am planning to take over this government.(laughs) This is Malaysia. You don’t sue Hitler do you?

When I tweeted, I forgive, people said please don’t repeat that statement- people are angry.

Your wife has been supportive all along…

She became politically active only after I was detained but my daughter is in politics. The government prompted people to ask my wife –”why are you still with your husband? why don’t you demand a divorce?” Can it happen anywhere else in the world? That is the state of gutter politics in Malaysia – insulting human dignity and they call it moderate Islam.

I was badly assaulted and in pain but otherwise its okay. I survived reading , meditating, being patient, and the conviction that ultimately you will be victorious. The role my family, my wife Azizah and the children too played was remarkable. People prayed for me- it was amazing the support I had.

Is the current regime jittery after your acquittal? What are your next plans? And any learnings from India?

I will meet people and our party convention of the Opposition will soon announce its manifesto. India is a rare case with its penchant for democracy and unswerving commitment under all times – even in Emergency the judiciary had the courage to decide in favour of the Constitution.

I would like to replicate many things from India –protection of minorities, respect for human rights—am talking of replicating ideals, am not talking of the corruption(laughs). But India has a huge intellectual legacy, whatever you say the judiciary is still strong, the media is free, you have the right to protest, and growth is impressive but an issue I see is that the needs of poor and marginalised must be addressed..

Merdeka Review

Alicia Izharuddin

Sejak usia remaja, saya pernah dinasihatkan oleh orang tua supaya jangan masuk campur dengan arena politik apabila dewasa kelak.  Mengikut mereka, politik hanyalah “permainan kotor” yang menguntungkan politikus sahaja, lantas kepentingan rakyat sejagat jarang dipertimbangkan secara ikhlas.  Setiap satu yang diberikan kepada rakyat diragut satu yang lain, contohnya masing-masing peluang melanjutkan pelajaran di institut pengajian tinggi awam dan kebebasan akademik.

Baru-baru ini kita dihidangi berita yang kian menjejaskan integriti kerajaan yang kononnya mahu mendaulatkan konsep demokrasi dan mempunyai keinginan untuk berjinak-jinak dengan prinsip kebebasan bersuara.  Tindakan aktivis-aktivis mahasiswa dari Gerakan Menuntut Kebebasan Akademik (Bebas) menurunkan bendera yang melayangkan wajah Najib Razak selama lima minit sebagai simbol tidak-puas hati mereka terhadap keengganan kerajaan memansuhkan Akta Universiti Kolej dan Universiti (AUKU) yang menyekat kebebasan akademik dan berpolitik.  Walaupun didepani dengan desakan aktivis-aktivis mahasiswa untuk memansuhkan AUKU yang semakin mengombak, kerajaan Najib Razak hanya mampu berdiam dan mendiamkan suara-suara protes.

Demokrasi siapa?

Menurut menteri pengajian tinggi Saifuddin Abdullah yang kononnya menyokong “kebebasan bersuara” dan konsep demokrasi, penurunan bendera UMNO bukan tindakan yang berdemokratik.  Ada pula yang berpendapat mahasiswa-mahasiswa terlibat bersikap kurang matang, kurang ajar, dan tidak menghormati harta-benda kerajaan, seolah-olah memecah masuk rumah dan menyusun-semula perabot.  Sasaran mahasiswa SMM – bendera yang bermukakan Najib Razak – secara tidak langsung menjadi objek yang suci.  Ia bukannya bendera negara atau parti, tidak dibakar atau diinjak-injak.  Namun yang demikian, penurunan bendera tersebut dilihat sebagai satu serangan terhadap ego seorang pemimpin yang pantang dicabar.

UMNO dan penganut-penganutnya tidak jauh berbeza daripada kerajaan tidak gentar menggunakan kekerasan – sama ada dalam bentuk fizikal mahupun retorikal – untuk menindas perjuangan hak-hak mahasiswa.  Di United Kingdom sepanjang tahun ini, kerajaan David Cameron menggunakan kuasa polis untuk “mengawal” pergerakan mahasiswa yang berdemonstrasi kerana kenaikan yuran tahunan universiti yang melambung tinggi.  Yang paling tragis pula, pembunuhan ratusan mahasiswa-mahasiswa yang berarak di Dataran Tiananmen secara aman mengutuk Parti Komunis China pada tahun 1989.  Ya, kerajaan Malaysia bukan satu-satunya kerajaan yang takut kepada kemarakan mahasiswa.  Sejarah gerakan mahasiswa telah menunjukkan bahawa kuasa dan pengaruh mahasiswa boleh menggulingkan kepimpinan yang represif; regim Suharto berjaya digulingkan atas desakan mahasiswa Indonesia pada tahun 1998.  Jika mahasiswa dan cendiakawan seperjuangan mampu mengguling kerajaan Suharto yang berkuasa selama 32 tahun – antara regim diktator yang paling lama di dunia – jelas menunjukkan bahawa mahasiswa Malaysia juga serba upaya.

Kerajaan Najib yang menidakkan hak mahasiswa untuk berpolitik menyelindungkan ketakutan mereka terhadap kuasa mahasiswa.  Universiti bukan sekadar kilang mencetak sijil tetapi tempat orang muda menuntut ilmu berfikir secara berdikari.  Kebanyakan mahasiswa yang mempunyai kesedaran politik pula bukan kuda mana-mana parti.  Kerajaan dan orang awam harus sedar bahawa arena dan istilah politik itu sendiri sangat terhad dan sempit maksudnya.  Politik bukan sekadar pertandingan populariti atau acara berlumba-lumba yang menjuarakan politikus yang dilantik – Tidak.

Hakikatnya, kuasa politik juga terletak di tangan pengundi, penyokong, dan pejuang agenda masing-masing yang sedikit sebanyak menentukan jaya dan gagalnya seorang politikus dan jatuhnya pengaruh kerajaan; dari sini kita kembali kepada asal-usul perkataan “demokrasi” dalam bahasa Yunani yang berasaskan “demos” yang bermaksud rakyat dan “kratos” bererti pemerintahan.

Sebagai mahasiswa yang bakal menapak ke alam universiti sebagai pensyarah dan penyelidik, kebebasan akademik bukan sahaja memberikan ruang dan peluang menyampaikan pendapat dan idea-idea yang berbeza dan kritis tentang keadaan politik semasa, tetapi juga menggalakkan mahasiswa untuk lebih bersuara tanpa ugutan dan kecaman.  Negara Malaysia sudah terlalu lama dikekangi budaya paternalistik, iaitu budaya (dan juga polisi) yang menyekat kebebasan atas nama ketentaraman dan kebajikan rakyat.  Budaya paternalisme inilah yang sebenarnya takut kepada konsep kebebasan bersuara dan demokrasi kerana ia melemahkan pengaruh seorang atas anggota-anggota rakyatnya.  Di alam universiti di mana penghuninya diberikan peluang untuk bersuara dan berfikir secara berdikari, kematangan minda akan dipupuk secara semulajadi.

Saya dapati bahawa reaksi pihak-pihak tertentu yang mengutuk dan mengugut tindakan mahasiswa yang anti-kekerasan berbaur ironi; perasaan marah yang melulu juga timbul daripada budaya kita yang anti-intelektual yang kuat menolak peluang berdialog secara rasional dan aman.  Budaya kita juga mengagungkan status yang tinggi, bermaksud status mahasiswa yang biasa dianggap rendah tarafnya sering diperlekehkan dan ditindas.

Oleh yang demikian, gerakan mahasiswa aktivis tidak akan mengakhiri protes mereka dengan penurunan simbolik bendera yang berwajah Najib Razak, tetapi akan terus memuncak sehingga pihak kerajaan menyerahkan diri kepada desakan-desakan mereka.

*Alicia Izharuddin adalah pelajar Doktor Falsafah dalam kajian Islam, gender, dan media

Malaysiakini

Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim today warned that Malaysians will become poorer in 2020, with an additional 1.7 million people earning below RM1,500, under the current Economic Transformation Programmes (ETP).

In addition, he claimed the brainchild of Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak will widen the income gap in society based on the projection of ETP.

During a dinner organised by Selangor state government at an upmarket hotel in the capital, Anwar delivered a speech titled ‘Debunking ETP: Widening Income Gap’ to some 150 guests including foreign ambassadors, economists, academicians, MPs, party leaders and journalists.

He said the two important assumptions made by the ETP to justify that Malaysians will earn a gross national income (GNI) per capita of RM48,000 by 2020 were questionable.

First, the 3.6 percent annual wage growth predicted from 2010 to 2020 is over optimistic, because the average growth was only 2.6 percent annually in the past 10 years according to the Human Resources Ministry, and the real wage growth from 1984 to 1997 in the manufacturing and plantation sectors was only 2.3 and 2.8 percent respectively, according to the Asian Development Bank.

“This is further verified by the National Employment Return Study of 2009, involving a sample of 24,000 employers and 1.3 million workers which found that 33.8 percent of the workers were paid below RM700 per month.

“If this were to be extrapolated nationally, it suggests that up to 34 percent of our workforce earn below the national poverty line,” he explained.

Another fundamental flaw, said the former finance minister, is the 2.8 percent average rate of inflation estimated for the period up to 2020, because the average inflation between 2001 and 2005 was 4.8 percent, and 6.6 percent between 2005 and 2009, as a result of the 2008 crude oil price rally worldwide.

“The inflation assumption is crucial to arrive at the magical target of RM48,000 GNI per capita by 2020 that has become the pillar of ETP.

“If inflation, as we have seen in the last few years, grows higher than 2.8 percent in the next few years, real wages will be lower and the GNI per capita target of RM48,000 is nothing more than a number on a fancy ETP brochure,” he elaborated, adding that the environment of high energy and high commodity prices will persist.

He then pointed out that if the inflation rate was 4 percent and wages were to grow at the unrealistic 3.6 percent rate annually for the next 10 years, there will be an additional one million Malaysians earning below the equivalent of today’s RM1,500 per month in 2020.

Should the inflation rate stay at an average of 6 percent, there would be an additional 1.7 million Malaysians earning the same amount in 2020, he warned.

Bleak picture

“The additional 1.7 million urban poor will complete the bleak picture that ETP tries hard to gloss – that is by 2020, there will be between 7 million to 8.3 million urban poor with monthly earnings of RM1,500 and below; according to ETP’s own projections,” he said.

Contrary to what was promised by the ETP, Anwar claimed that the rich will be richer in 2020 should the ETP model of economic development continues.

“Based on the information provided in the official ETP documents, one can construct a business model to ascertain the proportion of economic value going to the employees versus the profits retained by corporations.”

The analysis done by PKR based on the ETP information, he said, showed that ETP and Entry Point Projects (EPPs) will cause real wages to stagnate with only marginal increase over the years, while most of the economic benefits will be retained by corporations.

“In 2009, the GNI of RM661 billion, the ratio of employee compensation to GNI is 40 percent. This simply means that 40 percent of the economic value generated by our economy goes to workers in the form of wages. By 2020, this ratio will drop to 33 percent.

Anwar described the ETP as “nothing more than a continuation of a flawed economic model mired with corruption and a rent-seeking culture that rewards the ruling echelons at the expense of the majority”.

“Its promise to deliver a high income nation status by 2020 is also a fallacy,” he added.

The PKR de facto leader noted that the most important facet of the ETP are the 131 entry point projects (EPPs).

But most of them are nothing more that large-scale infrastructure projects that will consume a large amount of public funds either directly from the public coffers or through funding arrangements with government-linked companies (GLCs) or government-linked investment companies (GLICs).

“If the previous mega projects’ track records are anything to go by, these EPPs also come with huge financial risks to the public due to this government’s poor corporate governance,” he said, citing the example of the newly constructed palace where the project cost ballooned from the initial RM400 million to more than RM1 billion.

“There is also a risk that the diversion of public and GLC/GLIC funds into these EPPs may effectively reduce the nation’s flexibility to deploy fiscal means to manage the economy in the future as Malaysia continues to battle its deficit problems,” added Anwar.

Malaysiakini

Anwar Ibrahim’s ease at finding parallels between seemingly contending beliefs and his comfort in paradox was in evidence at a forum in Kolkata over the weekend.

Invited to an Indian Muslim NGO’s silver jubilee conference themed ‘Good Governance in a Globalising World’, Anwar held forth on ‘Governance and Ethics’ in one segment of the three-day affair organised by the Institute of Objective Studies, a highly regarded research organisation with links to the International Institute of Islamic Thought and the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations.

The thrust of Anwar’s presentation revolved around the temptation of power to think that it is always twinned with virtue.

He cited the admonitory wisdom of Caliph Umar Abdul Aziz, one of Prophet Muhammad’s political successors, who appointed monitors to watch over his conduct.

Anwar quoted Umar’s rationale to his monitors: “Rulers usually appoint people to watch over their subjects. I appoint you to watch over me and my conduct.”

This oft-cited quotation from Umar helps the Malaysian opposition leader to dilate on another favorite oracular pronouncement: “Man’s capacity for justice makes democracy possible, but man’s inclination to injustice makes democracy necessary” – this one from the Christian theologian Reinhold Niebuhr.

As long ago as his 1996 Budget speech to Parliament as finance minister, Anwar cited this cautionary wisdom as a check on the temptations of power to vanity, complacency and hypocrisy.

Anwar told the audience during his segment of the conference that a critique of hubris was necessary to keep the apparatus of even democratic states from the temptations of extrajudicial procedures that result in injustice and the muzzling of dissent and opposition.

Yet again, he held up as a guide for the restraint of power the maqasid shariah, the 12th century formulation of the Islamic jurist Al Shatibi, which posited the protection of life, property and the preservation of peace as the higher goals of syariah.

Anwar said a holistic conception of the maqasid shariah was the guarantee against the rigid interpretation and application of syariah.

Tagore’s poetry

Anwar said he was conscious that the venue of the conference, Jesuit St Xavier’s College, was where Nobel literary laureate Rabindranath Tagore studied as a boy.

“In this year of the 150th anniversary of his birth, I am reminded of Sir Rabindranath Tagore’s gesture of returning his knighthood in protest against the Amritsar massacre of 1919,” said Anwar who has cited Tagore (right) as one of the progenitors of the ‘Asian Renaissance’ espoused by the Malaysian leader since the mid-1990s.

“Not only must power resist the temptation to think that it is always twinned with virtue, but fame must always be accompanied by solicitude for those who suffer from man’s inhumanity to man,” said Anwar in praise of Tagore who was born in Kolkata in 1841, received the Nobel for literature in 1913, and was knighted in 1915.

Anwar said that in Tagore’s poetry and short stories there was always the emphasis on freedom and reason and because he conveyed these ideas in mystic terms, he encountered much misunderstanding in the West.

In expatiating on the philosophic identity of noble minds, Anwar quoted the following lines from Tagore’s poetry:

“Where the mind is without fear and
the head is held high
Where knowledge is free
Where the world has not been
broken up into fragments by
narrow domestic walls.”

He said that the lines conveyed the same sentiment embodied in Philippine national hero Jose Rizal’s declaration in his book El Filibusterismo: “Within a few centuries, when humanity has become redeemed and enlightened, when there are no races, when all peoples are free, when they are neither tyrants nor slaves, colonies nor mother countries, when justice rules and man is a citizen of the world…”

“These two men born in the same year in different countries on the same continent, articulators and strugglers for the liberation of not only their peoples but also of their continents, are the precursors of the Asian Renaissance through their lofty vision of the human pageant and of where it should eventuate.

“Their dream was not only for human emancipation but also for man’s ethical governance without which all struggle is futile and all striving meaningless,” concluded Anwar.

Der Vorsitzende der Parlamentariergruppe ASEAN, Dr. Thomas Gambke, der im Rahmen des Programms “Parlamentarier schützen Parlamentarier” die Patenschaft für den malaysischen Oppositionsführer Anwar Ibrahim übernommen hat, erklärt im Namen des Vorstands der Parlamentariergruppe:

“Wir beobachten aufmerksam und kritisch den Verlauf des Prozesses gegen Oppositionsführer Anwar Ibrahim, der nach einem abschließenden Verhandlungstag am 23. November voraussichtlich im Dezember zum Abschluss kommen wird. Bereits während eines Delegationsbesuches in Malaysia Anfang 2011 fanden wir den Verdacht bestätigt, es könne sich um einen Prozess handeln, mit dem ein politisch unliebsamer Gegner ausgeschaltet werden soll.

Die Verteidigung von Anwar Ibrahim wurde in dem sich über mehr als zwei Jahre hinziehenden Verfahren immer wieder in ihrer Arbeit behindert. Die Tatsache, dass nun Ende dieses Jahres mit einer Verurteilung von Anwar Ibrahim wegen des Vorwurfs des homosexuellen Verkehrs zu rechnen ist, scheint uns nicht zufällig in zeitlicher Nähe zu Parlamentswahlen im Frühjahr 2012 zu stehen. Mit einer Verurteilung würde der Oppositionsführer sein Abgeordnetenmandat verlieren und wäre die gesamte Oppositionsbewegung geschwächt.

Wir appellieren an die malaysische Regierung, die Bewegung für eine demokratische Reform des Wahlsystems, deren führender Repräsentant Anwar Ibrahim ist, zu respektieren, und deren Ziele ernst zu nehmen. Maßnahmen zur Verhinderung von Wahlbetrug und mehr Möglichkeiten für Oppositionsparteien, die heute in bereits fünf der insgesamt dreizehn Regionen Malaysias regieren, in öffentlichen Medien für ihre Ziele zu werben, sollten geschaffen werden. Eine politisch motivierte Verurteilung von Anwar Ibrahim würde dem internationalen Ansehen Malaysias schaden.”

Dem Vorstand der Parlamentariergruppe ASEAN (Brunei, Indonesien, Kambodscha, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippinen, Singapur, Thailand, Vietnam) gehören als Vorsitzender Dr. Thomas Gambke (BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN) sowie als  stellvertretende Vorsitzende Dr. Michael Fuchs (CDU/CSU), Holger Ortel (SPD), Dr. h.c. Jürgen Koppelin (FDP) und Caren Lay (DIE LINKE.) an.

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November 11, 2011

Statement of the ASEAN Parliamentary Group on the trial of the Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim

Chair of the ASEAN Parliamentary Group Dr. Thomas Gambke, within the framework of the “MPs protect MPs” program in sponsorship of Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, says on behalf of the Board:

“We are carefully observing the trial of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim which is set to resume on November 23 and due for completion in December. During a visit to Malaysia at the start of 2011, our suspicions were confirmed that the trial may well be a process of eliminating political opponents.

The team of lawyers defending Anwar Ibrahim were gravely disadvantaged during the entire two years of the drawn-out trial. We believe that the timing of the impending conviction of Anwar Ibrahim on sodomy charges has been planned to coincide with the Parliamentary elections due in spring 2012. If convicted, the opposition leader would lose his parliamentary seat thus weakening the entire opposition movement.

We appeal to the Malaysian government to respect and regard seriously the goals of the movement for democratic reform of the electoral system, whose leading figure is Anwar Ibrahim. Measures to prevent electoral fraud should be introduced together with greater access to the public media for the opposition parties which to date are in control of five of the thirteen States of Malaysia. A politically motivated trial of Anwar Ibrahim would only damage the international image of Malaysia.”

The Board of the ASEAN Parliamentary Group (Brunei, Indonesia, Cambodia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam) includes its chairman, Dr. Thomas Gambke (Alliance 90/The Greens), and deputy chairman Dr Michael Fuchs (CDU / CSU), Holger Ortel (SPD), Dr. hc Jürgen Koppelin (FDP) and Caren Lay (THE LEFT.)

Guardian.co.uk

The BBC World News channel has been banned from buying certain programmes and accepting some sponsorship deals, after an investigation found serious breaches of the corporation’s editorial guidelines in shows about subjects including Malaysia and carbon trading.

A full investigation was launched by the BBC Trust into programming on BBC World News, a commercial channel distributed internationally, after it found conflict of interest and sponsorship issues with a show called Taking the Credit, about carbon trading, originally broadcast in 2009.

The investigation by the trust’s editorial standards committee (ESC) found a further 15 programmes broadcast on the channel in serious breach of the BBC’s editorial or sponsorship guidelines.

These programmes included eight containing sections about Malaysia made by a company called FBC Media, which had an “apparent financial relationship” with the Malaysian government.

FBC Media’s parent company, FBC Group, confirmed to the BBC investigation that the Malaysian government was a client.

“Based on evidence before the committee of the apparent financial relationship between FBC Media (UK) Ltd and the Malaysian government, the committee concluded that FBC Media (UK) Ltd was not an appropriate producer for these particular programmes, being about Malaysia, its industries and Malaysian government policies,” the ESC concluded.

“The committee considered that it could not be adequately confident that a relationship between FBC Media (UK) Ltd and the Malaysian government and/or other Malaysian interests had not affected the content of BBC output.

“In light of the overall content covering Malaysia, the committee was concerned that the BBC has broadcast programmes which may have promoted particular subject matters (or presented them in a certain way) as a result of a production company’s financial interests.”

All 15 programmes were found to have been in breach of one, or more, of the BBC’s rules governing conflicts of interest, promotion of a sponsor’s activities and sponsorship of current affairs shows.

The shows had been bought by the BBC for a “low or nominal cost” from independent producers.

“International audiences must be able to rely on the same integrity and independence in the BBC’s editorial decisions as audiences in the UK,” said ESC chair Richard Ayre. “We have found that several programmes shown on the BBC’s World News channel had been inappropriately sponsored. The trust is deeply concerned at this and we very much regret that these programmes failed to live up to the editorial standards we set for the BBC.”

As a result of the investigation the BBC World News channel has been banned from buying programmes for a low or nominal cost and it will “no longer accept sponsorship from non-commercial organisations”.

In May, the BBC Trust found Taking the Credit in breach of editorial guidelines around sponsorship of a current affairs show and conflict of interest.

Taking the Credit was funded by a company called the Africa Carbon Livelihood Trust, which had links to a firm called Envirotrade, which featured in the documentary.

According to the BBC Trust, the ESC “concluded that the funding in full or in part of this programme by Envirotrade – via the Africa Carbon Livelihoods Trust – amounted to sponsorship”.

“However, the committee considered that the programme was current affairs and that such sponsorship was in breach of the guidelines, which prohibit any sponsorship of news and current affairs,” the trust said.

According to the BBC Trust there was a conflict of interest because “there was an inextricable link between the funder organisation and a project featured in the programme”.

“Further, the programme portrayed the work of Envirotrade in a positive way and as a result breached the requirement that sponsors’ activities should not be promoted. The programme also failed to credit the sponsor in the programme, so the viewers were unaware that there was a funding arrangement in place.”

A BBC World News spokesperson said: “We accept the BBC Trust’s findings. We are committed to the highest standards of broadcasting and our editorial independence must always remain protected.

“There were breaches of BBC guidelines though we note that the trust report found no breaches of impartiality in any of the programmes. We are determined to learn any lessons from this process. That is why we have set out a robust action plan which has been endorsed by the ESC.

“We are now committed to bringing in a series of changes to tighten our systems and strengthen the protection of our editorial independence.”

Malaysiakini

By Mariam Mokhtar

Looking at Anwar Ibrahim, the Opposition Leader, deliver his talk, one would never have guessed that he was hounded by the BN government, on a list of trumped-up charges as long as his arm.

He was witty and informative when engaging with the audience; brutal and incisive when mocking Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak’s administration.

Anwar (right) recently gave a speech at University College London (UCL), entitled ‘The Struggle for Justice and Democracy in Malaysia’.

He won over the crowd, who were mainly Malaysians studying or working in England. Anwar has universal acclaim and the ‘mat salleh’ who were present can’t have attended just because they were curious to see the man whom BN has portrayed as a raving sex maniac, who can’t have enough of women, or men.

For a man whose private life has been paraded around the world with the farcical Sodomy I and II trials, and Sex Videos I and II, Anwar did not look like a condemned person.

With steely determination, he told the crowd that he has vowed to clear his name, restore his family’s reputation and defend his honour.

BN painted Anwar as a sexual deviant and lined people up to reveal sordid allegations about him. If true, then Anwar should have felt at home in Soho, the racy red light area with its gay bars, porn-shops and fallen women, close to UCL.

But a sexual lunatic he is not.

No compromise

Anwar who is famed for his skill as an orator, talked passionately about Pakatan’s policies, its budget and his vision of a Malaysia that will be shaped by its youth.

He was adamant that the new Malaysia should be governed with transparency, accountability, and where the corrupt would be punished. He offered no compromise on his party’s multiracial policy.

He told the students that they were responsible for determining Malaysia’s future. He said: “Everyone is born to be free. Freedom cannot be negotiated.”

He cajoled and persuaded them: “You must make a stand and exercise your rights….”

He challenged them: “You must learn to ask questions….”, and warned them that Najib’s administration feared the truth.

He criticised Najib’s performance at ‘prime minister’s question time’ in Parliament: “I asked him repeatedly, when the ISA will be abolished. I wanted an undertaking that GE-13 would not be conducted before reforms were implemented…. Najib simply smiled. He was unresponsive….. It was like having a dialogue with the deaf….. Why bother calling it ‘question time’?”

He questioned the conduct of parliamentarians when he quizzed BN about the fund meant to help poor farmers, which was pocketed by BN cronies: “There was a collective silence.”

He castigated former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad (right), whom he has forgiven for sending him to jail: “He (Mahathir) levelled charges of sodomy against me because this is taboo with the rural Malays.”

He mocked the religious hypocrisy of the BN elite: “Mahathir’s son bought RM2.9 billion of San Miguel shares but one Malay girl had her life torn apart and was herself almost whipped for a glass of beer.”

With humility he told the audience: “You may listen to me and choose to agree or disagree with me. Or you can support Umno. It is your right. There is no denying it.”

And he injected a bit of comedy in his talk: “For 13 years, BN and the Malaysian media have hounded me, except for three days last Hari Raya…….I had a three day break when they focused on Mat Sabu of PAS.”

The Malaysians had travelled from the East Midlands, Shropshire and the North-East, and the majority were students, from colleges and universities in and around London. Expat Malaysians, concerned about the unpredictable political landscape, came to hear the latest developments.

The talk was at times depressing, particularly the part about BN being prepared to cheat, to ‘win’ GE-13. There remained one glimmer of hope; the large presence of Malay students in the audience.

For years, the Malaysian government actively discriminated against Malay students. A culture of fear was promoted by the Malaysian high commissions and embassies around the world.

Consequently, Malay students distanced themselves from such talks.

Malays are deliberately singled out by BN to keep them ignorant. To keep them from learning. And to keep them from being exposed to other cultures, races and thinking patterns.

Dangerous Malay

A knowledgeable Malay is dangerous. BN knows that a questioning Malay would ultimately lead to BN’s demise. One individual can be silenced. But many?

BN treats the Malay like a semi-literate and a slave. Its brainwashing technique has been perfected so that the Malay mind is trapped by his imaginary tempurung, wherever he is in the world.

If we want a better Malaysia, the Malays must be brought into the loop. If we want to progress as a nation the Malays must contribute and share the limelight.

Umno’s propaganda is based on fear and warns of a threat to Malay survival. BN claims Anwar will sell Malaysia to the non-Malays and that Pakatan is controlled by the Chinese.

What BN really meant was that their own survival was in danger.

The Malay elite is at liberty to be open-minded but he subjugates his poorer Malay cousin. The elite cream off the best in life, but leave others destitute.

In effect, Malaysia has been ‘stolen’ by its corrupt Malay leaders.

Warning letters

Informed sources allege that the modus operandi of the consulate officials is to warn Malaysian students to stay away from these ‘opposition’ lectures.

Sometimes, the Malaysian embassy sends out ‘warning’ letters. But as Anwar related, deans of Indonesian and American universities have cautioned the embassies, and threatened reprisals if this practice were to continue.

Some allege that agents of the government masquerade as students, to spy, as they move in student circles.

Most government scholarship holders are Malay, and many come from poor backgrounds. Only the brazen few or privately financed students will attend ‘opposition’ lectures.

The majority stay away for fear of losing their funding. They fear the shame of terminating their studies. They fear the wrath of their families. They fear rejection by the community. But most of all, they fear missing the best chance to lift themselves and their families from poverty for a better future.

Isn’t it ironical that students stay away because they fear BN’s long reach? This emphasises the significance of Anwar’s speech ‘The Struggle for Justice and Democracy in Malaysia’.

Anwar’s proclamation which rang in everyone’s ears was: “With your help, and given fair and clean elections, Pakatan will form the next government.”

Anwar’s talk was oversubscribed and the huge presence of students, including many Malays, is heartening.

Perhaps the culture of fear which the Malaysian government tried to export to student populations overseas is vaporising.

Perhaps Najib is not only losing his grip on the economy, but also on the students.

BN’s propaganda and emphasis on the sodomy trials, meant that many students were unaware that Anwar was once DPM or finance minister.

Anwar’s talk was an eye-opener and many students responded positively.

This generation of Malay youth wants a well-rounded education and refuses to be cowed by Putrajaya. Overseas, non-Malay students have never felt the crippling grip of the BN government.

Acquiring knowledge at universities around the world is one thing.

But learning to live with freedom of expression, where basic human rights are not denied and where university professors are not suspended or sent live bullets in their mail, is a shallow learning curve for Malaysian students.

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MARIAM MOKHTAR is a non-conformist traditionalist from Perak, a bucket chemist and an armchair eco-warrior. In ‘real-speak’, this translates into that she comes from Ipoh, values change but respects culture, is a petroleum chemist and also an environmental pollution-control scientist.

From Wall Street Journal

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak has unveiled a budget full of freebies designed to win over voters in the next general election, expected in the next six months. In the process, he is dashing expectations of economic reforms needed to promote growth.

This contrasts with the political reforms Mr. Najib announced last month. A promised overhaul of the country’s colonial-era legal code would guarantee political and civil freedoms long denied to Malaysians.

Mr. Najib seems to have thought of a handout for nearly everyone in 2012. The country’s 1.3 million civil servants will see salaries and pensions rise, in many cases by as much as 30%; households earning less than 3,000 ringgit ($960) a month will receive one-off payments of 500 ringgit; parents will find many school fees abolished or reduced. Then there are the taxi drivers who get fat tax exemptions.

Worse, the government has not taken the necessary steps to wean Malaysia off food and fuel subsidies. Mr. Najib earlier pledged to phase them out, since they have skewed consumption patterns and strained public finances for many years. He even likened subsidies to “opium” and made small but noteworthy cuts last year. He could have continued that rehab this year by incrementally raising regulated prices to bring them closer to market levels.

This combination of temporary handouts and tax breaks on one hand and welfare spending on the other doesn’t help Malaysia’s competitiveness. The export-dependent economy is already hurting from weak markets abroad and a rising cost of living at home—GDP growth fell below 5% in year-on-year terms for the last two quarters—and needs long-term incentives to invest and build a stronger domestic consumer market.

Yet Mr. Najib offered no permanent changes to the tax structure and no guide to reducing regulation and spending. The 2012 budget proposes a 9.4% hike in expenditure from the 2011 budget. And considering the government spent 13 billion ringgit ($4.16 billion) more than it budgeted in the past year, it could well prove more profligate.

To its credit, one small of area of reform the government has kept pushing is liberalization of foreign investment in services. In 2009, Mr. Najib dismantled a long-time restriction that benefited “sons of the soil.” Foreigners were earlier forced to jointly venture with Malays, the country’s ethnic majority, but they can now own 100% stakes in businesses in 27 sub-sectors. Friday’s budget extends that reform to 17 more sub-sectors such as medical and education services.

However, these are small industries that don’t hire many Malays. The government needs to tackle bigger reforms in industries like manufacturing, where regulations still give Malays dominance. In the same vein, the labor market suffers from entrenched affirmative-action policies. Mr. Najib has spoken of enacting radical changes when he presented a “New Economic Model” last year, but he keeps disappointing voters by failing to follow through.