From The Eastern economic Review

By Colum Murphy

Barack Obama’s firts trip to Asia as president of the United States will come under especially close scrutiny this month from a constituency not often represented at the summit table. The region’s political prisoners and oppressed minorities are looking for a sign that Washington has not forgotten them. It could be a forlorn hope.

Some politicians and activists are disappointed with the Obama administration’s weak stance on human rights and democracy in the region. They question whether it grasps the important role which Asia — in particular Southeast Asia — could play in safeguarding U.S. interests.

Anwar Ibrahim, Malaysia’s former prime minister and current leader of the opposition, is one figure urging more action from the White House. “Using a ‘soft-soft approach’ through diplomatic channels is all very fine,” he says. “But a clear position is required.”

Without such a position, Mr. Anwar argues, regimes in Asia will not change their ways. “Washington’s stance on human-rights issues carries tremendous weight,” he says. “When America states a clear position in support of human rights, freedom and the rule of law, the world listens, and this makes unscrupulous leaders and autocrats think twice before clamping down on the opposition.”

Sophie Richardson, advocacy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division, calls the Obama administration’s approach to human rights and democracy thus far “principled on paper, but scattershot or erratic in reality.” As the administration reaches its one-year mark, it has failed to put forth any clear stance, she says.

Indeed, there are plenty of reasons for uncertainty, from the president’s refusal to meet with the Dalai Lama during the Tibetan spiritual leader’s October visit to Washington, D.C., to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s February pronouncement in Beijing that human-rights issues can not get in the way of dealing with the economic crisis, to the administration’s much debated decision to engage with Burma’s military junta.

Michael Fullilove, director of the global issues program at the Lowy Institute in Sydney, says one of the signal themes of Washington’s foreign policy so far has been pragmatism. “Unlike his predecessor, Mr. Obama does not dwell on the roles that good and evil play in the affairs of humankind,” Mr. Fullilove says. He adds that the administration has downplayed freedom in favor of development, citing Mr. Obama’s silence on the Iranian pro-democracy uprisings earlier this year.

Evidence of pragmatism can also be seen in Washington’s dealings with the Burmese military junta, one of Asia’s most oppressive regimes. In late September, Kurt Campbell, assistant secretary of the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, explained the administration’s position on Burma in a press briefing: “For the first time in memory, the Burmese leadership has shown an interest in engaging with the United States, and we intend to explore that interest,” he said.

“We support a unified, peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Burma that respects the human rights of its citizens,” he added and said the U.S. would continue to advocate the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners.

Mr. Anwar, however, remains unconvinced by this approach. “Does that mean you continue with the old game of impunity?” he asks. “Those who have suffered under the cruelty and excesses of this regime clearly feel very hurt.”

He understands too well the importance of having strong support from Washington for dissenters in Asia. In 1999, he was convicted of corruption and sentenced to six years in prison. In 2000, he was charged with sodomy and given nine more years in detention. That latter conviction was overturned by Malaysia’s Federal Court in 2004 and Mr. Anwar freed. During his incarceration, calls from Washington for Malaysia to safeguard the independent judicial process offered encouragement. But his legal troubles have not ended. Fresh charges of sodomy were filed in 2008, and legal proceedings are ongoing. Mr. Anwar has denied having sex with a male aide and alleges that the charges against him are politically motivated — claims which the government denies.

Mr. Anwar urges the Obama administration to engage with opposition movements in Southeast Asia, but such a request from him should be of no surprise. After all, he has spent the best part of the past two years as head of the Malaysian opposition, struggling to win over enough members of parliament to give his three-party coalition a majority. It has been a daunting task which to date has not yielded the desired results partly because of alleged dirty tricks — including the most recent round of sodomy charges against Mr. Anwar as well as obstructionist tactics of the ruling party.

He says Malaysia could also benefit from an international community that keeps an eye on potentially wayward governments. “If Malaysia is going to succeed, it is going to need immense help in the promotion of democracy,” he says.

“We don’t expect the United States to declare war on Malaysia, but it should at least take a stand,” he says. The U.S. needs to take a consistent position on issues such as independent judiciaries, freedom of the press, the right to form opposition groups and detention without trial.

Further American engagement with Malaysia’s larger neighbor, Indonesia, is also vital to ease the growing threat from militant Islam. Mr. Anwar is encouraged by the angry outburst from most Indonesians to the Jakarta bombings in August this year at the JW Marriott and Ritz Carlton Hotels. The bombings killed seven people, as well as two suicide bombers. “It was remarkable — I [would] have never seen this type of reaction in the Middle East,” he says. “Indonesia must be supported and seconded to engage other parts of the world.” This means engaging with the Islamists — or at least “those that have a broader, moderate view.” After all, “they have the support of the masses,” he reminds us.

REVIEW contributor and author of “My Friend the Fanatic: Travels with an Indonesian Islamist” Sadanand Dhume agrees — in part at least. “Engagement with Islamists in order to nudge them toward a modern conception of women’s rights, minority rights, freedom of expression and equality before the law is welcome,” he says. “Engagement that cedes ground on these issues — that sacrifices core democratic principles in the mistaken belief that this will blunt Islamist anger — helps nobody, least of all ordinary citizens of Muslim-majority countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia.”

Human Rights Watch’s Ms. Richardson is also concerned that the Obama administration, in its drive to find the support of a friendly Muslim nation, could end up ignoring human-rights abuses in Indonesia. She concedes that under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesia has experienced fewer human-rights violations than in the past. She is, however, concerned about the administration’s continued support of Jakarta’s military. This sets a “dangerous precedent” since there are elements of the army with a “shocking track record and for whom impunity continues to be the norm,” she says.

Mr. Anwar believes the Americans should learn from the Australians, who have been investing in institution building for years. “The Australians are saying, ‘Yes we support you, but we want to help by setting up a strong anticorruption commission, a strong judiciary [system] and [support] some strong media groups,’” says Mr. Anwar.

The Lowy Institute’s Mr. Fullilove remains hopeful that human rights will move up on the U.S. foreign-policy agenda. “Over time human rights will play an important role in Mr. Obama’s diplomacy,” he says. “His administration is staffed by Democrats and animated by Democratic values; it will be influenced not only by foreign-policy professionals but by Congress, labor unions, activists and the grass roots [organizations].” He adds that U.S. foreign policy has always had a place for human rights on its agenda; no president can ignore the issue.

For Mr. Anwar and thousands of other “voices of dissent,” this reaffirmation by America of its pro-human-rights stance cannot come soon enough. “The region has high hopes for an Obama administration to think outside of the box and provide leadership in the area of economic development, poverty eradication and human rights,” he says. “People view him as one of us, and expect a level of empathy unprecedented from an American president.”

“We don’t expect change overnight, but this visit provides an opportunity to set an agenda that is bold and comprehensive and does not bend to the will of antiquated notions of Asian values,” he adds.