Sdr Din Merican meminta saya menelaah buku karya Douglas E. Schoen, konsultan politik terkemuka, “The Power of Vote: Electing Presidents, Overthrowing Dictators, Promoting Democracy Around The World.”
Kebetulan pula saya diminta menyampaikan ucap utama di sidang International Association of Political Consultants di Bali sebaik selesai pidato perasmian oleh Presiden Indonesia.
Saya kesuntukan waktu kerana sehari sabelumnya kita ribut dengan perhimpunan Bersih. Namun, buku perlu dibaca dan ucapan disiapkan. Teman penganjur sidang Kris dan Bob merupakan konsultan handalan. Secara peribadi saya amat terkesan dengan persahabatan mereka.
Ginandjar, Ketua Parlimen Indonesia (bekas menteri ekonomi) mempengerusikan panel berikutnya.
Pengarang menghimbau pengalamannya sebagai konsultan kepada Presiden Clinton, juga di Israel, Venezuela dan Yugoslavia.
Ada saranan yang upaya dimanfaatkan termasuk pemantauan sikap khalayak, tidak asyik dengan kelompok sama malah perlu menembusi ke semua pelusuk.
Mesej perlu jelas dengan kesatuan fikrah pimpinan, jentera harus mantap dan pekerja harus tekun dan dedikasi. Tidak terkecuali, sikap tawadduk, agar sedia menimba pengalaman baru, memperbaiki kelemahan dan merangka strategi sesuai dengan tuntutan masa dan khalayak.
Buku kini beredar di kalangan pimpinan KeADILan…….
ANWAR IBRAHIM
Dato Seri
Saya terkenang zaman DSAI dalam ABIM & kerajaan dulu.bila cakap bab buku atau tajuk buku,terus kami tercari2 dan memburu buku itu.suasana ini sudah jarang2 berlaku.nak harap pemimpin sekarang,setakat TPM skang baru sebut buku ‘blue ocean strategy” pastu pakat semua pemimpin umno nak baca,bicara buku tu.bukan faham pun.pakat satu buku tu je yang depa canang
saya tabik dgn DSAI kerana DSAI ada magik spt ‘the touching midas’,teruskan lagi magik DSAI untuk anak muda hari ini.bagi mereka ksedaran,pencerahan dan kekuatan semanagat!
Hidup DSAI!
malaysia BARU..1.perdana menteri kena dengar cakap menantu…2.kena selalu tidur dan keluar negara..3.naikkan harga barang2 sesuka hati..4.gunakan polis secukup rasa…5.timbalan perdana menteri kena pandai setting bom..6.kena pandai berjual beli kapal selam dan jet pejuang…7.menteri dijabatan perdana menteri kena pandai melalak…8.menteri penerangan kena pandai berbelit..9.MB dan KM haru tahu kipas…10.menteri2 kabinet harus tahu cakap yes sir!..11.kena menyayangi khinzir…12.jangan tembak khinzir, selalu la tembak rakyat… 13..kena selalu hantar angkawan ke bulan buat kajian gasing..14.sekat kebebasan bersuara..15..hina raja2 melayu..16.atur perlantikan hakim..17.tangkap orang yg melapor kes rasuah..18.tangkap mat despatch..cleaning lady..tea lady..office boy..sebab beli barang2 melebihi harga sebenar…..wahhhhhh majulah malaysia ku…hipppppp hippppp horrayyyyyyyyy…….ptuihhhhhhhhhhhhhh
Saksikan forum mengenai perhimpunan Aman Rakyat 10 November lalu di saluran Al Jazeera pada jam 10.30 malam ini.
TONGKAT
KERIS BERGANTI TONGKAT
SENJATA AMPUH UMAT KINI
TONGKAT JATUH HIDUP MEREMPAT
HINA, NISTA UMPAT JIRAN
TONGKAT SAKTI GERANGAN SUBSIDI
MENIKAM MUSUH DEMI TAHTA
RAKYAT MELATA GUNDAH GULANA
TATAP TONGKAT BERSARANG KULAT
TONGKAT DIRAJA MINTA DICEMAR
AGAR RAKYAT HIDUP BERDAULAT
by demok…
Salamu’alaikum Dato’ Seri yang dihormati
Semoga menemui DSAI dalam keadaan sihat wal’afiat, Insyallah.
Saya Mohd Hilmi Ramli, sekarang merupakan Presiden PKPIM. Saya dengan sukacita ingin menjemput DSAI sekiranya kelapangan masa, ke majlis Walimah saya yang akan berlangsung pada 25 November Ahad di Seri Manjung Perak.
Berkenaan dengan kad jemputan, saya pun sudah pos ke pjbt DSAI minggu lepas. Saya pun sudah maklumkan kepada Nik Nazmi mengenai majlis ini dan kelapangan masa DSAI ketika saya mengunjungi Open House DSAI Syawal tempoh hari.
Insyallah, semoga kehadiran DSAI dapat memeriahkan lagi majlis tersebut dan membawa gelombang kebangkitan yang baru di sana nanti.
Sekali lagi, saya berbesar hati sekiranya DSAI dapat memenuhi jemputan saya ini. Jazakallah.
* Maaf, terpaksa berurusan dengan DSAI melalui blog ini,memandangkan jalan pintas untuk sampai maklumat kpd DSAI;)
** Mohon pertimbangan DSAI agar tidak disiarkan
Mohd Hilmi Ramli
019- 3069241/ 05- 6884502
77 Fasa 2H Seri Manjung 32040 Sitiawan Perak
http://www.hilmimadani.blogspot.com
http://www.pkpim.net
Guidelines for Election Broadcasting Introduction The following Guidelines govern the rules and practice relating to broadcast coverage of
election campaigns. They are based on international standards and best comparative
practice, and thus represent a goal to which all countries hosting elections should aspire.
They set out standards which should be observed during election periods, although they may
also be relevant during non-campaign periods.
Most of the Guidelines refer to obligations which, strictly speaking, bind the State. It can be
argued that publicly owned or funded broadcasters are directly bound by some of these
obligations. Regardless, the governing authorities are obliged to put in place a framework of
laws and other rules that ensures that public broadcasters satisfy the relevant obligations.
ARTICLE 19 strongly recommends that government or State broadcasters be transformed
into public service broadcasters, with independent governing boards. At the same time, we
are of the view that, in most cases, private broadcasters also have a professional obligation
to meet the standards outlined.
The Guidelines are drawn from a more detailed set of Guidelines and commentary published
by ARTICLE 19, Global Campaign for Free Expression, Guidelines for Election
Broadcasting in Transitional Democracies,1and the present version has been adapted slightly to focus on issues facing the media during first democratic elections.
The Guidelines can be grouped into four main categories: the duty to inform; rules
regarding election coverage; protection for freedom of expression during elections; and
implementation/applicability of the guidelines. These issues are addressed below both in
specific Guidelines and in the commentary which accompanies them.
It may be noted that, throughout, the Guidelines refer to “parties or candidatesâ€Â. This is
both to ensure their relevance to elections focusing on individuals (as in presidential
elections) and to cover situations involving independent candidates. 1(London: 1994). Available at: http://www.article19.org/docimages/837.htm. Summary of the Guidelines The Guidelines address a number of different issues. This summary breaks these down into
four categories: the duty to inform; rules regarding election coverage; protection for freedom
of expression during elections; and implementation/applicability of the guidelines. The
Guidelines are summarised below according to these categories.
The Duty to Inform: public media have a general duty to inform the public about matters relevant to the
elections (Guideline 1) parties or candidates have a right to airtime for direct access programmes on a fair
and non-discriminatory basis (Guideline 9) the media have an obligation to provide special information programmes (Guideline
10) the media have an obligation to ensure voters understand how to exercise their vote
(Guideline 11)
Rules Regarding Election Coverage: the media have a duty of balance and impartiality (Guideline 2) the duty of balance and impartiality is particularly important in relation to news
programmes (Guideline 8) the media have a duty to provide necessary information to understand the
significance of any opinion polls broadcast (Guideline 12) both sides in a referendum vote should be granted equal time in the media
(Guideline 15)
Protection for Freedom of Expression During Elections: laws that illegitimately restrict freedom of expression should be repealed (Guideline
3) the authorities should investigate threats and attacks on the media (Guideline 4) neither the authorities nor the media should censor election programmes in any way
(Guideline 5) the media have a right to be exempted from legal liability for unlawful statements by
candidates made during election broadcasts (Guideline 6)
Implementation/applicability of the Guidelines: a right of correction or reply should be available in response to illegal statements
(Guideline 7) an independent, impartial body should be established/appointed to monitor election
broadcasts and hear complaints (Guideline 13) decisions of this body should be subject to judicial review (Guideline 14) the Guidelines also apply to local and regional elections (Guideline 16) Guidelines for Election Broadcasting Guideline 1: Duty to Inform the Public Guideline 1During the period preceding an election, publicly owned or funded media have a duty to ensure that the public are informed about relevant electoral matters such as the political
parties, candidates, campaign issues and voting processes.
Commentary: States’ obligation to ensure that “Every citizen shall have the right and
opportunity, without [distinction of any kind] … to vote and to be elected at genuine
periodic elections†(see Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights) obliges the authorities to ensure that electors have the necessary information to
register and vote, and to make informed choices regarding the elections. This obligation is
particularly onerous where the electorate have not had prior experience of voting in free and
fair elections. Although it is open to the State to determine how to satisfy this obligation,
publicly owned or funded media, and particularly broadcasters, are an ideal means.
Guideline 2: Duty of Balance and Impartiality Guideline 2Publicly owned or funded media have a duty to be balanced and impartial in their election reporting and not to discriminate against any political party or candidate. Other broadcasters
may also be placed under a duty of balance and impartiality.
Guideline 2.1
This duty requires that news, current affairs, interview and information programmes must
not be biased in favour of, or against, any party or candidate.
Commentary: States’ obligation of balance and impartiality derives directly from the
fundamental rights of voters and candidates to freedom of expression and information, and
non-discrimination in the enjoyment of their rights (see Articles 2 and 19 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights). It is also implicit in the very idea of
free and fair elections which rule out the party in power using the resources of the State,
including those allocated to public broadcasters, to assist it in promoting its electoral
chances.
Guideline 3: Laws Restricting Freedom of Expression Guideline 3 Any laws that restrict freedom of expression in breach of international law should be abolished.
Commentary: The existence of laws which breach international guarantees of freedom of
expression is at any time a serious problem. Such laws are problematical during elections as
they may limit political debate and the ability of the media to cover the election, thereby
interfering with the fairness of the election. Such laws should be abolished well in advance
of the election campaign.
Guideline 4: Duty to Punish Attacks Against Media Personnel and
Property Guideline 4 The authorities should make special efforts to investigate all acts of violence, intimidation or harassment directed against media personnel or the property or premises of a media
outlet, and to bring those responsible to justice, particularly where the act was motivated by
an intent to interfere with media freedom.
Commentary: Attacks or threats against journalists, as well as the material destruction of
communications facilities, pose a very significant threat to independent and investigative
journalism, to freedom of expression and to the free flow of information to the public. It
is of particular importance that the media be protected against such acts during election
periods.
Guideline 5: Limits on Prior Restraint Guideline 5There should be no prior censorship of any election programme.
Guideline 5.1
The government should issue a clear statement that the media will not be penalised for
broadcasting programmes merely because they are critical of the government, its policies or
the ruling party.
Guideline 5.2
Neither the authorities nor media outlets should interfere with the broadcast of an election
programme unless they are certain that this is necessary to prevent substantial harm, such as
an act of violence. Any decision to restrain a programme should be subject to prompt review
by an independent body in order to determine whether it was in conformity with these
standards.
Guideline 5.3
The standards used in determining whether or not to broadcast an election programme must not be vague or broadly defined.
Guideline 5.4
Any post-broadcast penalty must be proportionate to the harm inflicted and should not be so
large as to constitute an effective ban on a political party.
Commentary: Prior censorship, especially concerning matters of political importance, is
prohibited under international law except in extremely narrowly-defined circumstances.
Any restriction on freedom of expression must be necessary and, given the fundamental
importance to a democratic society of free political debate during election campaigns, this
implies that an election broadcast may be subject to prior censorship only where it is
virtually certain that the broadcast would cause immediate, irreparable and substantial harm.
Broadcast channels are allowed to pre-screen programmes in order to ensure that they do
not violate the standards set out above but this should not be used as a pretext to delay or
prevent transmission of legitimate programmes. However, they cannot be required to pre-
screen, as this would put them in the situation of being a censor.
The right of political parties to function is a fundamental right, based on the rights to
freedom of expression and association, and to political participation. It is impermissible to
force a party out of operation by imposition of excessive fines or through other indirect
means.
Guideline 6: Limits on Media Liability Guideline 6 The media should be exempted from legal liability for unlawful statements made by candidates or party representatives and broadcast during the course of election campaigns,
unless the media outlet concerned has either taken specific steps to adopt the statements
or where the statements constitute clear and direct incitement to violence and the media
outlet had an adequate opportunity to prevent their dissemination
Commentary: This departure from the normal rules of liability is justified by the short
duration of campaign periods and the fundamental importance to free and fair elections of
unfettered political debate. Furthermore, post-broadcast remedies normally suffice to
redress harm caused by speech that does not directly incite violence. It is of particular
importance that the media be exempted from liability for defamation, based upon
considerable national case-law and experience supporting the conclusion that defamation in
the political context is adequately redressed by a prompt reply, retraction or correction (see
Guideline 7). Primary speakers – such as political parties and candidates – are not hereby
relieved of liability for their statements.
Guideline 7: Corrections and Replies Guideline 7Any candidate or party which has been defamed or otherwise suffered illegal injury by a broadcast should be entitled to a correction or, where this would be an insufficient remedy,
be granted an opportunity to reply. The correction or reply should be broadcast as soon as
possible.
Commentary: Many established democracies provide for corrections or replies during
election campaigns and more generally. These provide a rapid and effective means for
redressing harm from illegal statements which, if the rules meet certain conditions, does not
unduly restrict the right to freedom of expression.
Guideline 8: News Coverage Guideline 8Publicly owned or funded media should be particularly scrupulous in complying with their obligations of balance and impartiality in their news and current affairs reporting. Other
broadcasters should also be careful to comply with any obligations of balance and
impartiality national law may place on them.
Guideline 8.1
The duty of balance requires that parties or candidates receive news coverage commensurate
with their importance in the election and the extent of their electoral support.
Guideline 8.2
Publicly owned or funded media are urged not to broadcast editorial opinions at all, due to
the potential for them to be confused with news. All broadcasters should endeavour to
clearly identify editorial opinion and to avoid airing it during news programmes.
Guideline 8.3
Obligations of balance and impartiality imply that news coverage of press conferences and
public statements concerning matters of political controversy (as opposed to functions of
State) by the governing authorities should be subject to a right of reply or other equitable
response from other competing parties. This obligation acquires even greater force when the
person making the statement is also standing for office.
Commentary: Of the various forms of election broadcasts, news coverage is generally
accepted to be the most influential. Furthermore, recent experience shows that the duty of
balance is most often, and most seriously, breached in the coverage of news. Accordingly,
the duty to report in a balanced and impartial manner is particularly strong concerning news
programmes. The ruling party, due to its governing role, will normally attract more news
coverage than other competing parties. Careful measures, such as those outlined above,
need to be taken to prevent this from happening.
Where possible, it is recommended that a mechanism be established to determine the
proportion of election news coverage to be allocated to the competing parties and that
broadcasters adhere scrupulously to these standards. This approach may be difficult to
implement in the context of a first democratic election, where the relative strengths of the
parties cannot objectively be determined. Furthermore, the existence of a large number of
political parties, or of shifting coalitions, renders such solutions difficult to implement.
Nevertheless, efforts should be made to ensure that government appearances in the news are
balanced with coverage of other parties. At a minimum, comparable events should be given
comparable coverage. If a station covers a speech or election rally of one party’s candidate,
for example, it should give comparable coverage to other parties’ speeches or rallies.
Guideline 9: Direct Access Programmes Guideline 9 Publicly owned or funded media should grant all political parties or candidates airtime for direct access programmes on a fair and non-discriminatory basis. Other broadcasters may
also be required to provide such airtime.
Guideline 9.1
All parties or candidates that are formally registered should be granted access to some
airtime for a country’s first multi-party election.
Guideline 9.2
For the second or subsequent democratic election, airtime may be allocated on a
proportional basis, according to objective criteria indicating general levels of support for the
different parties. All parties should still normally receive some airtime. It is recommended
that the allocation of airtime be carried out by an independent body in consultation with all
the parties.
Guideline 9.3
The amount of time allocated should be sufficient for parties/candidates to communicate
their messages.
Guideline 9.4
Direct access programmes should be aired at times when the broadcasts are likely to reach
the largest audiences. The duty of balance would be breached if the programmes of some
parties/candidates were aired at less favourable times than those of others.
Guideline 9.5
Time slots for direct access programmes should be assigned in an equitable manner.
Guideline 9.6
Direct access slots should be made available on equal financial terms for all parties/
candidates. For first-time democratic elections, publicly owned or funded media should
provide a reasonable amount of time free of charge or for a nominal sum.
Guideline 9.6.1
If parties/candidates are to be allowed to purchase airtime for political advertisements, they
should have access to such time on equal terms. In such cases, rates and overall limits may
be set by regulation in order to limit the advantage of richer parties. This is particularly
appropriate during a first democratic election, especially where opposition parties had
previously been proscribed and thus did not have the opportunity to raise funds.
Commentary: The right of parties and candidates to present their views and platforms to
the electorate through the media is essential to democratic elections. Direct access
programmes are a key means of achieving this goal. Direct access programmes provide an
opportunity for political parties and candidates to express their positions in their own words,
for small parties and independent candidates to broadcast their views, and for parties to
respond to negative statements or comments made about them. Direct access programmes
convey stylistic and other intangible information that is missing in other programmes.
Public broadcasters in most Western democracies are required to make time available for
these programmes.
For the first democratic, multi-party election, allocation of airtime to political parties on
anything other than an equal basis poses great difficulty because the two most objective
indicators of support  the party’s performance in past elections and the number of seats
held in parliament  are unavailable. In subsequent elections, particularly where a large
number of parties compete, granting equal time to all parties may dilute the messages of the
parties that are most likely to form the next government. For this reason, proportional
allocation of airtime may improve the informative value of the broadcasts while
maintaining the public’s confidence in the fairness of the allocation process. In nearly all
Western countries, time is allocated to parties on a roughly proportional basis. All parties
should normally continue to receive some direct access airtime.
The primary purpose of direct access programmes is to allow political parties to
communicate their messages to the electorate and, as a result, they should be aired at those
times when the largest audiences are reached. Where there are a large number of parties,
assigning time slots for direct access programmes is complicated and it is crucial that it take
place pursuant to a fair process.
In most established democracies, public broadcasters make some amount of time available
for direct access programmes free of charge. In most of these countries, paid political
advertising is prohibited throughout the campaign period and, in a few, it is prohibited
altogether (i.e. even outside of campaign periods). The prohibition, or strict regulation, of
paid political advertisements during campaign periods is justified on several grounds,
including that it is necessary: (1) to prevent corruption and undue influence by major
contributors; and (2) to help create a ‘level playing field’ for parties with different levels of
wealth.
Guideline 10: Special Information Programmes Guideline 10During elections, the media should broadcast special information programmes that provide an opportunity for members of the public to put questions directly to party leaders and
candidates, and for candidates to debate with each other.
Guideline 10.1
Broadcasters have greater editorial discretion in relation to these programmes than the news
but such discretion is subject to the general obligations of balance and impartiality.
Guideline 10.2
Journalists, experts and other questioners should be selected so as to ensure balance among
the questions.
Guideline 10.3
Special information programmes should be aired during prime viewing or listening hours.
Commentary: These obligations flow from the duties to inform the electorate and to
provide balanced information. Special information programmes include candidate forums
and debates, interview programmes, and programmes that provide an opportunity for
audience members to pose questions.
Guideline 11: Voter Education Guideline 11Publicly owned or funded media are obliged to broadcast voter education programmes, at least to the extent that this is not already sufficiently covered by other information
initiatives.
Guideline 11.1
Voter education programmes must be accurate and impartial and must effectively inform
voters about the voting process, including how, when and where to vote, to register to vote
and to verify proper registration, the secrecy of the ballot (and thus safety from retaliation),
the importance of voting, the functions of the offices that are under contention, and similar
matters.
Guideline 11.2
These programmes should reach the greatest number of voters feasible including, where
relevant, through programmes in minority languages and targeting groups traditionally
excluded from the political process, such as women and indigenous groups.
Commentary: The right to participate in elections depends on knowing how to exercise
one’s vote. Broadcasting voter education programmes is a key way for the authorities to discharge their obligation to inform the public. Other methods – such as distributing leaflets
and posters – may also be used but these will rarely reach as many people as broadcasting
and they may not be as effective, for example in relation to people with low literacy.
Guideline 12: Opinion Polls and Election Projections Guideline 12If a broadcaster publishes the results of an opinion poll or election projection, it should strive to report the results fairly.
Guideline 12.1
Opinion polls should be accompanied by information to assist viewers/listeners to
understand the poll’s significance, such as who conducted, commissioned and paid for the
poll, the methodology used, the sample size, the margin of error, and the fieldwork dates.
Commentary: Opinion polls can have a significant impact on voting patterns, especially
where their significance is not adequately understood. Broadcasters that report on opinion
polls should furnish such additional information as is required for viewers/listeners to
understand them properly. There is some debate about whether opinion polls should be
allowed to be published close to or right up to polling day. Some observers are concerned
about the disproportionate impact this may have close to the actual poll. Most Western and
Central European countries prohibit publication of the results of opinion polls during the
last several days before an election.
Guideline 13: Regulatory and Complaints Mechanisms Guideline 13 Election broadcasts should be monitored and regulated by an independent, impartial body.
Guideline 13.1
The body should allocate time for direct access programmes and should have the power to
hear and take binding action on complaints concerning broadcast-related violations by the
media, political parties or candidates, including by ordering a correction or reply.
Guideline 13.2
The body should render complaints decisions promptly.
Guideline 13.3
If there is a regularly constituted, independent broadcast-monitoring body, it may carry out
these functions; otherwise, a special body should be established for this purpose.
Guideline 13.4
The body should not be able to take decisions only upon the strength of the votes of the
appointees of the government or of one party.
Commentary: The proper implementation of the rules discussed in these Guidelines
depends upon the existence of a body to monitor broadcasts and to decide on complaints
that is independent and impartial. It should act promptly and fairly, and its decisions must
be subject to prompt review by the courts. In a number of countries, independent
broadcasting authorities make decisions regarding election broadcasts.
Guideline 14: Judicial Review Guideline 14Actions and decisions of any body charged with regulating election broadcasts should be subject to judicial review, which should be carried out on an expedited basis.
Commentary: Judicial review of the decisions of election broadcast bodies is important to
the reality as well as the appearance of fairness.
Guideline 15: Plebiscites and Referendums Guideline 15 In plebiscites and referendums, where the voters have the choice only of voting “yes†or “no†to a particular proposition, equal airtime should be allocated to each side. This formula
stands even if more parties support one side of the issue than the other. Guidelines 1-14, to
the extent relevant, are also applicable.
Commentary: Equal allocation of airtime is required in order to meet the duties of balance
and impartiality.
Guideline 16: Local Elections Guideline 16 The preceding Guidelines should be appropriately modified and applied by local and regional government media in local, municipal and regional elections.
Commentary: Local elections are important elements of democratic transitions and the
same principles apply to these elections as to national elections.
Amat dukacita apa bila rakyat dipersendakan oleh SPR, Pengerusi SPR beritahu dia telah tahu tarikh pilihanraya umun akan tetapi tidak boleh bagi tahu pada rakyat. disesetegah negara lain pilihanraya diberitahu 3 atau 6 bulan tarikh sebenar pilihanraya kepada rakyat. rakyat malaysia adalah rakyat yang paling malang di muka bumi ini di persendakan oleh orang yang mereka pilih, rakyat malaysia rakyat paling bodoh dalam dunia mandat diberi pada mereka yang menikan mereka sendiri, jika tarikh pilihanraya umun tak sampai sebulan baru nak bagi tahu tarikh pilihanraya sah itu petanda UMNO dan BN bacul mati pucuk sama macam PAC dan BPR pukat besar tapi cuma dapat ikan bilis. Ikan besar tutup buku Perwaja,BMF,Projet OPV,BAKUN,Jambatan kedua ke singapore,Pelupusan Sampah Broga pembelian yang tak tulus dalam MBT PT91, Sukoi 30MKM, pecah amanah dalam dana awam Wang Permodalam Nasional Berhad ratusan juta telah digunakan sebagai modal teroka untuk ananda krishana memulakan projet Tv Astro.meanugerakan kepada keroni Tan Sri Vinsent Tan projet Penbentungan Negara persoalannya kenapa TUN Mamat bekas PM hanya beri projet besar pada keroni yang berdua ini sahaja apa orang lain tak pergi sekolah ke? Persoalannya mereka berdua ini bukan sahaja diberi projet dan lesen besar bahkan yang menjadi hairan dan pelik diberi wang pula apa kelebihan dua manusia ini disisi Tun Mamat Mahadir perkara serpeti ni yang harus di perdebatkan dalam Persidangan UMNO kerana ianya melibatkan monopoli perniagaan yang lain makan kuah sahaja begitu juga dari sudut makanan tepong, beras gula terus dimonopoli, makanan rakyat pun di monopoli oleh keroni umno hinggakan nak buang kat tandas pun kena bayar kat keroni pada endah water apa dah jadi dengan negara ini tapi bila ada rakyat kata negara ini negara kuku umno dan BN melatah.didalam persidangan umno tiada siapa yang berani sentuh kroni dengan monopoli bila bab ini perwakilan terus cacat sementara bisu buat seketika. tapi bila balik ke cawangan dan bahagian masing masing berkepak sudah lah budaya umno rakyat sudah tahu.hishammuddin cium keris sampai mulut dan hidung lebar macam ayam berkokok tapi tahi penuh diekor, tapi perlu diingat berkokok atau tidak wahai peminpin umno hari tetap siang kami tetap terus lawan tetap lawan hingga umno keliang lahat.
saya ingin benar baca buku ini. berpuasalah lagi nampaknya~
Khairy dan Nazri nyata terkulat-kulat menelan hujah peguam Malik Imtiaz dalam rancangan East 101 di Al Jazeera tadi.
Dato’ Seri…..
Sahabat saya kebetulan berada berhampiran dengan Khairy di dalam Dewan Merdeka pada petang berakhirnya perhimpunan. Khairy Al Beruqi berbaris beratur selang beberapa orang antara PAK LAH untuk menerima salam kepada mereka yang beratur untuk bersalam dengan PAK LAH.
Mangkuk Ayun…. Syed Hamid Albar dan Ali Rustam telah pun bersalam dengan PAK LAH….dan tiba giliran bersalam dengan KHAIRY…. Kedua-dua Mangkuk Ayun ini ….dengan gerak geri badan yang menikus takut… depan KHAIRY sambil berkata…..”Kirim salam dengan PAK LAH….ye…”.
Apa erti ini….???? Tak sampai beberapa minit bersalam dengan PAK LAH…. boleh minta si Khairy sampaikan salam lagi…..???
MEMANG BETUiiiiii…..MANGKUK AYUN…..!!!!!
There are many book written by people to relate their experience in their own social environment. Social environment is not a vacuum. So the principles of power voting cannot exist in a vacuum. We have some principles that work and some don’t work. May be we have all the time in this world to try all these principles.
SPR tahu tarikh pilihan raya tapi rakyat tak tahu, ini lah negara ku kuku, sedangkan mengundi adalah hak rakyat UMNO dan BN jangan bermain dengan api kelak terbakar tangan awas sabar rakyat ada garisan dan batasnya kelak kerana kedegilan UMNO dan BN negara akan punah. Negara milik rakyat bukan milik UMNO dan BN berdirilah dibumi yang nyata. kita begitu sedih dengan pegawai kerajaan yang mana sepatutnya menberi khidmat kepada rakyat akan tetapi mereka sebaliknya serpeti SPR,KSN,KSU,PTD sembah peminpin UMNO dan BN bagaikan dewa. dicanangkan negara telah maju pada masa yang sama mundur dalam pentabiran jaun kebelakang berbanding dengan negara jiran kita asian.UMNO dan BN adalah JUNTA pertama asian.jatuh tempat pertama kerana peminpin pembangkang bukan dikenakan tahan dirumah serpeti miyamar cuma tahanan ISA di kemunting.
Kekuatan sesebuah organisasi terletak di kalangan ahli bawahan. Justeru itu penumpuan harus diberikan kepada seluruh penyokong Barisan Alternatif. Jangan kita jadi seperti UMNO yang acapkali mementingkan kelompok atasan dan melupakan ahli-ahli bawahan dengan melakukan kezaliman terhadap penyokong mereka sendiri seperti yang berlaku di Berambang dan Rimba Jaya. Penyokong Barisan Alternatif mesti dididik agar berfikiran terbuka, bersemangat tinggi, berjiwa besar dan bijak menggunakan setiap ruang yang ada dalam perjuangan melakukan perubahan. When the majority of Malaysian are well educated/informed then, the power of vote will work!
Here the power to cheat is not easy to proof, but it is something that we always hate when it works for 11 times so far. Can we allow it to happen again in PR12?
Sedara COKELAT…
Nampak sah nar dua dua tu…PENGAMPU ORANG KAYA…..
teringat Kata Kata Pembaca Berita RTM warta Dunia…
DENGAN KUASA,ORANG LEMAH AKAN MENJADI KUAT
DENGAN KUASA JUGA,ORANG YG PENAKUT AKAN JADI BERANI…
Fikir fikirkanlah..
I still think that only an element of surprise can rock the regime even they win the next PRU with an absolute victory.